gard to the gentleman now appointed, Mr. | nient for the public service that the House Joseph Long, the position of the hon. at its rising should adjourn till Monday Member, when connected with the Poor next, at Two o'clock, I make that MoLaw Board, must have made him well ac- tion. quainted with that gentleman's intelligence and efficiency; in proof of which it was enough to say, that during a period of eleven years he had been unanimously elected by the citizens at large the senior auditor of the corporation, and had frequently received the thanks of the corporation for his honourable and upright conduct. COMPLAINT AGAINST THE GOVERNOR OF GIBRALTAR. MR. BRIGHT said, he begged to put a question to the right hon. Secretary of State for the Colonies. It would be in his recollection that a deputation waited upon him before the dissolution of Parliament, with regard to a certain occurrence at Gibraltar. In the month of March a meeting of the merchants and traders of thet own was called with the view to passing a memorial to the Colonial Secretary with regard to certain grievances which they complained of. The Governor of Gibraltar issued a notice that the meeting should not be held. The meeting, therefore, was not held, and the merchants and traders were shut out from making known their grievances in the ordinary way to the Colonial Office. The right hon. Gentlemen gave the deputation to understand he would apply to the Governor of Gibraltar for his statement, and inform them of the result. He wished now to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he had made the application; if any return had been made by the Governor of Gibraltar; and if any statement or answer had been returned, whether he would be kind enough to lay it on the table of the House? SIR JOHN PAKINGTON said, he remembered the circumstance of the deputation to which the hon. Member had alluded, and in consequence of the information he then received he addressed a letter of inquiry to the Governor of Gibraltar; but he had not yet received any explanation in answer. The House adjourned at a quarter before Five o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Friday, December 24, 1852. COLONEL SIBTHORP said, he wished to trespass upon the House for two or three minutes. He was sure there could be but one feeling, that no degree of blame attached either to the right hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, or to any Member of the Government, for these constant adjournments; but it was lamentable that the country should be left in its present state of suspense, occasioning an interruption to all the public business of the country. He, and, no doubt, many other hon. Members, were anxious to move for returns, but they were quite at a loss to know to whom to apply for them. He was bound to say, that he had always received the greatest attention and courtesy from every department of the Government, and he was confident others would say the same thing; but he repeated that it was lamentable the country should be kept in its present suspense, owing to the incompetency of those who had dared to wrest the Government of this country from the only hands competent to perform the duties of office in a manner satisfactory to the public at large. But a fair and honourable trial had not been afforded them, and they were now about to be displaced by men who knew nothing of their business, who had run away from their posts, and who had put him more in mind of Sir John Falstaff's ragged corps than any other body of men he could think of. When was this to end? It reflected no credit on the party opposite, who were attempting to come in, and he trusted that the country would express its deep sense of their misconduct. He firmly believed that if they did get in they would not retain their offices for any long period. They were black sheep, and would show themselves in their colours before many weeks were over. He had thought it his duty, on the part of the country-[A laugh]—and of those whom he represented, to make these observations. Hon. Gentlemen might laugh, but the day would soon come when their countenances would bear a very different appearance. That was his honest opinion. SIR ROBERT H. INGLIS said, he wished for one moment to call the attention of the House to a subject which he was sure was equally interesting to both The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHE-sides-he meant the late Arctic ExpediQUER: Sir, I believe it will be conve- tion. Her Majesty's present Government ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. had for some time been desirous that an expedition should be sent out in search of the vessels which had long been missing in that direction; and he was anxious that right hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of the House should not merely carry out that object in the full sense intended by their predecessors, but that they should do still more, and, instead of sending a mere sailing vessel, as was at present intended, should apply the agency of steam, which had hitherto been found one essential element of success in such an undertaking. Whatever had been done hitherto, humanly speaking, had been by the intervention of steam vessels; and he trusted, therefore, that the successor of the noble Duke at present at the head of the Admiralty would not only adopt all that that noble Duke had contemplated, but would apply steam navigation to this purpose, which was not only one of science and humanity, but of actual justice. Motion agreed to. office; and your Lordships may readily believe that my tastes, habits, and pursuits, have lain in another way. Arrived, too, at the very verge of that period which has been assigned to human life, it may well be supposed that other thoughts and other aspirations might have more properly been my choice. Nevertheless, I have felt it to be my duty to obey the commands of my Sovereign. My Lords, before describing the proceedings which have recently taken place, I wish to advert to a circumstance which I understand occurred a few days back in this House; when the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) at a time and upon an occasion not altogether usual, accused me and those who acted with me of having entered into a species of combination or conspiracy to overthrow his Government. My Lords, I believe the accusation was answered at the time by my noble Friend, the noble Duke near me (the Duke of Newcastle). Nevertheless, I wish to add that my share in House adjourned at a quarter after such a conspiracy was not for the purpose Two o'clock till Monday next. HOUSE OF LORDS, Monday, December 27, 1852. MINUTES.] Took the Oaths. The Earl Craven. MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. of ejecting the noble Earl from office, but for the purpose of keeping him in office. When it appeared, from the ambiguous and uncertain nature of an important paragraph in Her Majesty's Speech, that it was indispensably necessary that some Resolution should be moved, or some declaration of made, of the advantages of free trade, my only anxiety was that the terms of that Resolution should be such as the noble Lords opposite and their Colleagues might The EARL of ABERDEEN: My Lords, adopt consistently with their own declarain rising to move the adjournment of the tions, and without doing violence to their House, it is my duty, as it is my desire, to own feelings. Those terms were framed give your Lordships the requisite informa- and adopted; and, singularly enough, they tion respecting the recent construction of had the effect intended by those who preHer Majesty's Government, and to indi-pared them—namely, that of enabling the cate, though very briefly, the principles and noble Lords to continue to hold the offices general policy upon which we propose to which they then held; and, by the assistact. My Lords, I believe it has been the ance and the votes of the very conspirators usual course for men who have been placed themselves, they were so enabled to conin the situation in which I have now the tinue to hold those offices. My Lords, if honour to stand, to profess the diffidence any further evidence is required of the and reluctance with which they have under-nature of that conspiracy, I may state taken the task imposed upon them. I that, precisely at that time, I had myself doubt not they have done so with perfect taken measures to engage a residence at truthfulness, and sincerity; but if that Nice, with the firm determination of pashas been the case with others, your Lord-sing a few winter months upon the ships may easily imagine how much more largely I participate in those feelings. Your Lordships must be aware that I have taken little part in the proceedings of this House, except upon such occasions as were necessarily connected with the departments in which I have had the honour to hold shores of the Mediterranean. So much for the conspiracy. My Lords, upon Saturday week, after the division of the previous Thursday night, in the House of Commons upon the Budget, and the resignation of the noble Earl and his Colleagues, I received a message from the Queen desiring my attendance at the he thought I might have done this in Isle of Wight, and informing me at the twenty-four hours. I have taken a week; same time that Her Majesty had been and I can assure him that I have found pleased to summon my noble Friend the that period not at all too much. My Lords, noble Marquess near me (the Marquess of in proceeding now very briefly to touch upon Lansdowne) to attend at the same time and different political points connected with the place. Upon communication with the noble objects and policy of Her Majesty's MinMarquess I found that, in consequence of isters, I need not detain your Lordships at indisposition, he was unable at that time any length upon our relation with foreign to leave his house. I therefore thought it Powers. The truth is, my Lords, that for incumbent upon me to wait Her Majesty's the last thirty years the principles of the further commands. I received them upon foreign policy of this country have never the following day; and, my Lords, I con- varied. There may have been differences fess it appeared to me that the time had in the execution, according to the different arrived when it was possible for men whose hands intrusted with the direction of that political differences the course of events policy; but the foundation of the foreign and recent legislation had almost, if not policy of this country has, I repeat, for the altogether, effaced or removed, and whose last thirty years been the same. It has personal respect and friendship had never been marked by a respect due to all indebeen interrupted-I say I thought that the pendent States, a desire to abstain as much time had arrived when it was possible for as possible from the internal affairs of those persons to act together in the public other countries, an assertion of our own service. I thought that probably the time honour and interests, and, above all, an had come when this country was tired of earnest desire to secure the general peace distinctions without differences, and which of Europe by all such means as were prachad no real effect upon the principles of ticable and at our disposal. I do not say the policy to be carried out. My Lords, that differences may not have existed, or it appeared to me that if my noble Friend that sympathies may not have been excited the Member for the City of London (Lord on behalf of certain States in their endeaJohn Russell) should entertain the same vours to promote constitutional reforms and views and the same opinions, I might at- to obtain constitutional government; but tempt to undertake the task which had been the principle of our policy has always been imposed upon me, but which, without his to respect the independence, the entire inaid, I should have attempted in vain. I have dependence, of other States, great or neither the youth, strength, or ability, re- small, and not to interfere in their internal quisite for the purpose. But the day before concerns. That will continue to be the I went to the Isle of Wight, having had case; and I trust that we shall still retain an interview with my noble Friend, I as- the friendship and good will of all foreign certained that his sentiments were entirely countries, whatever the nature of their goin conformity with my own; and I there- vernment or constitution. If ever it should fore had no difficulty in assuring Her Ma- be the fate of this country to be called jesty that I would endeavour to comply upon to interfere in any matter foreign to with the command which She was pleased ourselves, my earnest desire, my great to lay upon me. My Lords, upon my re- hope is, that we shall never be called upon to turn from the Isle of Wight, I lost no act except to exercise the blessed office of time in endeavouring to fulfil the injunc- the peacemaker. But, my Lords, earnestly tions of Her Majesty; I do not say that as I desire to see the continuance of peace, that was attended with no difficulty; but and anxiously as I wish to promote it, at this I will say, that I found in every quar- the same time I am by no means disposed ter the greatest desire to lay aside all per- to relax in those defensive preparations sonal views and objects, and cordially to which have been undertaken recently, and unite as far as possible in the promotion of which, perhaps, have been too long negthat policy which we believe to be essen-lected; not that these preparations indicate tial to the welfare of the country. My any expectation of hostile proceedings from Lords, I have succeeded in preparing a list for Her Majesty's approval, which has been fortunate enough to receive the approbation of the Queen, and which now stands for the judgment of the country. The noble Earl stated, I believe, that others--on the contrary, they are adopted safe, well-considered measures. It can, I think, hardly be denied by any man that some amendment of this system is required, and unquestionably the events of the last election have not been such as to render any man more enamoured of the system which at present exits. My Lords, the noble Earl referred, as I understand, to the existence of a Conservative Government, and expressed some surprise and curiosity to learn how I should be able to carry on the service of the Crown surrounded by those persons with whom I was present Government, the great charac- that must still be pursued, and it is no teristic of that Government, and the mis- doubt one that will meet with the concursion with which they are peculiarly en- rence of your Lordships, and finally will trusted, is the maintenance and the pru- give that satisfaction to the public which dent extension of free trade, and the com- they have a right to receive. It is an obmercial and financial system established by ject which we have all had in view, but the late Sir Robert Peel. My Lords, I which until this time we have not been am not going to enter into a discussion of able to accomplish. My Lords, by the exthe respective merits of direct or indirect tension of education, and by the progress taxation; it is obvious that in a revenue of law reform, I trust the social condition such as ours the union of both is indis- of this country will be materially improved; pensable, and it is to the just distribution and that by the progress which it will be and application of that principle that we our endeavour to make in all that concerns look for the prosperity of the country. In the welfare and happiness of the countryour financial system, my Lords, a difficulty by cautious and steady progress-we hope -a crisis, I would almost say--will neces- that both the intellectual and material sarily arise, by the early cessation of a very condition of the people will be improved. large branch of the revenue. That must My Lords, these reforms will not exclude necessarily be supplied; and doubtless it amendments of our representative system will tax the ingenuity and ability of all-not rashly or hastily undertaken, but by those who are concerned in this undertaking to accomplish that great work according to the principles of justice and equity. My Lords, another matter to which I may refer, in which the country is deeply interested, and upon which a general expectation exists, is the extension of national education. This has become a want-a want which the country strongly desires to see supplied, and which has engaged the attention of all who have undertaken the direction of public affairs. I am old enough to remember the introduction into this country of the Bell and Lancaster sys-likely to be associated. My Lords, I detem of education, and I well remember the apprehensions it excited, and the opposition it encountered; but by degrees these have ceased, and the only difference among us now is, not whether or no education shall be general and universal, but as to the mode in which that end can best be effected. I admit that the subject is full of difficulty, and attended with very grave considerations. It is undoubtedly my great desire, recognising as I do the vital importance of the religious element in all education, to see the due influence of the Church exercised in matters of this kind, consistently with that perfect right and freedom which all men are entitled to expect in such matters in this country, and which it has long been our pride to acknowledge. My Lords, another want, and which I may say the people have now demanded, has been the progress of those law reforms which, introduced by the late Government, were taken up by the noble and learned Lord now on the woolsack (Lord St. Leonards), and prosecuted with so much vigour, ability, and success in his hands. This is a matter clare to the noble Earl that in my opinion no Government in this country is now possible except a Conservative Government; and to that I add another declaration, which I take to be as indubitably true, that no Government in this country is now possible except a Liberal Government. The truth is that these terms have no definite meaning. I never should have thought of approaching my noble Friend the Member for the City of London (Lord John Russell), unless I had thought he was Conservative; and I am sure he never would have associated himself with me unless he had thought that I was Liberal. My Lords, these terms it may be convenient to keep up for the sake of party elections; but the country is sick of these distinctions, which have no real meaning, and which prevent men from acting together who are able to perform good service to the Crown and to the country. I trust, therefore, that in the just acceptation of the word, whatever the measures proposed by the present Government may be, they will be Conservative measures as well as Liberal, for I consider both qualities to be essentially necessary. My Lords, the noble Earl also referred to the necessity of resisting the encroachment of democracy. I am quite ready to unite with him in resisting the encroachment of democracy, or any other encroachment of an illegal character; but I am at a loss to see where these encroachments exist. I look in vain for any such indications at the present moment. I should say, on the contrary, I never recollect this country more tranquil, more contented, less abounding in subjects of danger and alarm, than at the present moment; and this prosperity, contentment, and happiness I believe to be mainly owing to the system the late Sir Robert Peel established, and which it is our business to uphold and to extend. No doubt, speculative men have at all times in this country, in their closets, come to the conclusion that a democratic form of government may be preferable to a monarchical; but these are not men who subvert States, and are therefore not dangerous in a state of society like ours. That there must always be men reckless, violent, and unprincipled, ready for any excess and outrage, is but too true; but, at the same time, there is less reason to entertain such apprehensions at the present moment than I ever recollent in the course of my life. I have great confidence in the people of this country; and I do believe the imputation, and even the existence of alarm at this moment, is almost a libel on the people. My Lords, I regret to have been informed that the noble Earl spoke in a tone which indicated hostility to Her Majesty's Government. I regret it deeply, because I well know the vast powers of the noble Earl. I am well aware of all that he is able to do; but I believe that we have a good cause, and I trust, if it can only be made manifest that we are sincerely animated by a real desire to promote the welfare of the great body of the people, we shall have the support of the country, as I am sure we shall have the approbation of our own consciences. My Lords, I beg to move that this House at its rising do adjourn until Thursday, the 10th of February. had not the noble Earl alluded to me personally in a manner which renders it impossible for me to remain silent. I would not have risen at all on this occasion if the noble Earl had not referred to the circumstances which occurred the other evening in a manner which makes it impossible for me to abstain from some remark, and in a manner, also, which convinces me that on this point the noble Earl must have been greatly misinformed. The noble Earl has spoken of the "hostility to the present Government" which I indicated on that occasion. I can assure the noble Earl that any one who has led him to believe that I expressed "hostility" towards his Government has greatly misinformed him. I said, on the contrarywhat I am sure your Lordships will forgive me for repeating, and though I am sure the noble Earl will believe that I could have said nothing inconsistent with the high respect I have ever entertained for his many estimable qualities—I stated that at that moment I was anxious to forbear from a single expression, in commenting on that which had taken place, which could in the slightest degree raise a controversy, or prejudge what was at issue; and I promised the noble Earl-and Í trust there was nothing inconsistent with my respect for him in so qualifying that promise-that if his policy should be based upon those principles which I believed he held in common with myself-although from the associations with which he was surrounding himself, I necessarily had some doubts-he might rely upon receiving from me, and from my friends, if not a cordial at all events a sincere and a conscientious support that he should meet from us more forbearance than had been exhibited to us; and that he might rely on not being met, on our part, by any factious opposition or unprincipled combination. These were the sentiments which I expressed on that occasion, and these are the sentiments which I am happy to have an opportunity of repeating. I felt, and I feel, no hostility to the noble Earl personally-I am sure that he himself would never suspect me of it; and on publie The EARL of DERBY: My Lords, so grounds I did not feel, and do not feel, much do I concur in what the noble Earl what can be called hostility to his Adminhas stated, and so little is there in the istration; I shall be rejoiced to find him programme of his Government, so far as enabled to conduct the Government on he has explained it to-night, with which I, principles such as will permit me to give for one, feel I have any cause to complain; him my support. The noble Earl has also that I should hardly have thought it in-used-not once or twice, but five or six cumbent upon me to say a single word, times-the term, as proceeding from me, |