to raise so much difficulty and apprehension, unless they clearly see a palpable and manifest advantage. The noble Earl has alluded to language of mine. at various times, and which I repeat now, conveying my apprehension of the extension of the democratic principle in our constitution. The noble Earl says that he never knew the country more contented, or less disposed to listen to agitation, or more thoroughly satisfied with existing institutions than at present; and he says that he sees nothing like the prevalence of

details, of course, depending on the skill with which the measures may be constructed. The noble Earl also tells us that he intends to deal with the laws affecting the representation of the people. On that subject the noble Earl spoke in a tone somewhat oracular; for he said the noble Lord the Member for the City of London must be a Conservative, or he would not have joined that noble Lord in a Government; and that, on the other hand, he must be a Liberal, or the noble Lord would not have joined him. Perhaps he might have mentioned other Members of the Go-democracy;" and that although there vernment on whom he might have depend- are some individuals who entertain visioned for even a larger degree of liberality ary political schemes, he does not believe than characterised the noble Lord; but the that the great body of the people sympaantithesis was, perhaps, complete: and the thise in those schemes. I entirely concur noble Earl has contented himself with with the noble Earl; I think the great stating that his measure of Parliamentary body of the people do not concur in those Reform will be conservatively liberal, and schemes; and I believe that if they foreliberally conservative, and that is all the saw the possible consequences of such intimation we have with regard to his future schemes on the Government, they would policy in reference to the representation of shrink from them and from their authors the people. I confess that it does not con- with horror. But when he asks me if the vey to my mind any very distinct idea, and great mass of the people-those, I mean, I hardly think that it can be satisfactory who, in point of position and station, are to the country. The advantages to the very far below the classes now entitled to noble Earl are obvious from this vague- the franchise-are, from their intelligence ness; for whatever his measure, he can say and far-seeing, capable of well-judging the that he had described it. If it is extreme, effects of alterations in our constitutional and people complain that it goes too far, system, or of extensive and complicated the noble Earl will say, Well, did not I political measures, then I say, confiding as tell you I meant to be liberal;" and if other I do fully in the good faith and in the parties say Oh, this is nothing at all-loyalty of my countrymen, there is danger it is a distinction without a difference," the in entrusting with political power those noble Earl can turn round on them and who have too little-mark, not of intellisay, "Gentlemen, I told you at the outset gence, but-of acquired information, and I would be extremely Conservative." The too small a stake in the country, for them noble Earl and his Colleagues, in fact, so fairly and impartially to consider questions far as they are pledged by his description of political change. When I speak, thereas given this evening, can do what they fore, of the spread of the democratic elelike. They may go the length of the right ment in our constitution-and that is the hon. Baronet in the Cabinet, who is fa- phrase I have always used-I do not, I say, vourable to the consideration of the ballot; impeach the loyalty of my countrymen, but or they may make some paltry alteration in I contend that, great as the influence of the constituencies, for which they would the House of Commons is at present, and receive no thanks, and because it would be great as it must be in the constitution of a useless, would be a mischievous change. the country, generally, there is a serious My Lords, I say the existing system is not danger of altering the character of the perfect; it is capable of amendment and House of Commons by throwing too large improvement; but everything depends upon a proportion of the representation of that whether the improvement be one in prin- body into the hands of the lower and lessciple, on the animus with which the mea-informed classes of society. I cannot, sure is introduced, and on the skill with which the plan is adapted to its object. Unless there be a clear benefit without corresponding danger, then I say the noble Earl and his Colleagues do not act wisely in entering on a field calculated

66

however, anticipate opposition to the measure the noble Earl may bring forward; from his language it is at present impossible to surmise what the character of that measure may be. The noble Earl says that the proceedings of the recent general

Household; Scarborough, v. Earl of Mulgrave, Treasurer of the Household; Hertford, v. Hon. William Francis Cowper, Lord of the Admiralty; Morpeth, v. Hon. Edward George Granville Howard, Manor of Northstead.

House adjourned at a quarter after Two o'clock.

{DEC. 29, 1852} election convinced him that the present If he can find system is unsatisfactory. a remedy for the correction of those evils to which he refers-and let him observe that the remedy is not to be found in the mere extension of the franchise, for it is in the large constituencies chiefly that these evils have been perceived-then I say there is no one from whom he shall receive a more cordial support in applying that remedy, however stringent it may be, than from the man whom the noble Earl very erroneously supposes to be hostile to his Administration. I can only say, in conclusion, that I have no feeling, personal or public, hostile to the noble Earl.

I cannot say, when I look at the composition of his Government, that I entertain any confidence in it, for I have no conception of the principle upon which the combination has been brought about. But if the noble Earl is prepared, and has power in his own Cabinet, to act on those which I have hitherto believed to be his own principles, he may rely on it, not only that he will receive no evidence of hostility from me, but that it will be satisfactory to me to find that, under his auspices, the Government of this country can be safely, steadily, and constitutionally carried on, in the true Conservative sense of the word, not avoiding or shrinking from useful and necessary amendments, but strenuously and determinedly resisting organic changes, and firmly opposing any interference with the just principles of the constitution.

House adjourned to Thursday, the 10th of February next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Monday, December 27, 1852.

MINUTES.] NEW WRITS.-For London, v. Lord John Russell, Secretary of State; Tiverton, v. Viscount Palmerston, Secretary of State Oxford University, v. Right Ilon. William Ewart Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Wilts (Southern Division), v. Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, Secretary at War; Carlisle, v. Right Hon. Sir James Robert George Graham, baronet, First Lord of the Admiralty; Halifax, v. Right Hon. Sir Charles Wood, baronet, Presi

dent of the Board of Control; Southwark, v.

Sir William Molesworth, baronet, Chief Com

missioner of Works; Leeds, v. Right Hon.
Matthew Talbot Baines, President of Poor Law
Board; Nottingham, v. Right Hon. Edward
Strutt, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster;
Cavan, v. Right Hon. Sir John Young, baronet,

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Tuesday, December 28, 1852.

The House met; and certain petitions and returns having been presented, House adjourned at a quarter after Two o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Wednesday, December 29, 1852.

--

MINUTES.] NEW WRITS. For Wolverhampton, v. the Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, Judge Advocate General; Aylesbury, v. Richard Bethell, esquire, Solicitor General; Oxford City, v. Sir William Page Wood, Vice-Chancellor; Leith District of Burghs, v. James Moncrieff, esquire, Lord Advocate of Scotland; Dumfriesshire, v. Viscount Drumlanrig, Comptroller of the Household; Gloucester City, v. Hon. Maurice Frederick Fitzhardinge Berkeley, Commissioner of the Admiralty; Limerick County, v. William Monsell, esquire, Clerk of the Ordnance; Brighton, v. Lord Alfred Hervey, Commissioner of the Treasury; Southampton Town, v. Sir Alexander James Edmund Cockburn, Attorney General; Carlow Borough, v. John Sadleir, esquire, Commissioner of the Treasury.

NEW WRIT FOR SOUTHAMPTON. MR. HAYTER moved, that a new writ be issued for the borough of Southampton, in the room of Sir Alexander Cockburn, who since his election had accepted the office of Her Majesty's Attorney Ge neral.

COLONEL FORESTER said, he should like to have the opinion of Mr. Speaker whether a new writ could be issued for Southampton pending the petition against the former return of Sir Alexander Cockburn on the ground of bribery?

MR. SPEAKER said, that in the case of an election petition complaining of an undue return, or of the return of a Mem ber in consequence of bribery, but not claiming the seat for another person, it was competent for the House to issue a new writ; but in the case of a petition complaining of the undue return of a Member, and claiming the seat for another person, it was not competent for the House to issue

Chief Secretary for Ireland; Marlborough, v.
Lord Ernest Bruce, Vice-Chamberlain of the a new writ pending the petition, inasmuch

as the House in that case could not know | vacate his seat if he had not felt certain which of the two Members had been duly that the persons who had made the charge elected.

THE CABINET.

First Commissioner of Works and Public Right Hon. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, Bt.

Most Hon. Marquess of LANSDOWNE.

NOT IN THE CABINET.

SCOTLAND.

IRELAND.

Right Hon. Sir JOHN YOUNG, Bt.

Right Hon. ABRAHAM BREWSTER
WILLIAM KEOGH, Esq.

QUEEN'S HOUSEHOLD.

INDEX

HANSARD'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES,

VOLUME CXXIII.

FIRST VOLUME OF SESSION 1852-1853.

EXPLANATION OF THE ABBREVIATIONS.

1R. 2R. 3R. First, Second, or Third Reading.-Amend., Amendment.-Res., Resolution.-Com.
Committee.-Re-Com., Re-committal. Rep., Report.-Adj., Adjourned.-cl., Clause.--add.
cl., Additional Clause.-neg., Negatived. l., Lords.-c., Commons-m. q., Main Question.-
o. q., Original Question.-o. m., Original Motion. p. q., Previous Question.-r. p., Report
Progress.-A., Ayes.-N., Noes.-M., Majority.-1st Div., 2nd Div. First or Second Divi-

720 When in the Text or in the Index a Speech is marked thus *, it indicates that the Speech
is reprinted from a Pamphlet or some authorised Report.

When in this Index a * is added to the Reading of a Bill, it indicates that no Debate took place
upon that stage of the measure.