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the sitting of Convocation. I will not an- | duration of the spring and summer Sesticipate that the Archbishop will depart sion; but it was notorious that Parliament from the usual course, or that the interven- was assembled at the present period of tion of the Crown will be in any respect the year, in order that the great commernecessary; but this I have no hesitation in cial principles of the country might be saying, that the Ministers of the Crown brought to a full, and, he hoped, a final have no intention to advise Her Majesty to and satisfactory settlement. At the opendepart from the ordinary course, or that ing of the Session, it was the duty of Gothey are prepared to sanction the revival of vernment to frame a Speech from the the active powers of Convocation, One Throne applying to the whole of the busiword as to the committee to which my ness which would be brought forward noble Friend has referred. Officially, I during its continuance; and certainly the know nothing of the committee. I know, House had had an intimation of a variety officcially, no more than this-that Convo- of measures which would be laid before it, cation is prorogued, and that it has ap- but it had no definite knowlege either of pointed a committee to investigate certain the nature of those measures or of the matters which had come before it. It is a precise time at which they would be question of law on which it is not fit that I brought forward. There was no need should pronounce an opinion; but I confess that he should enumerate what those meaI don't understand myself how a body that sures were; but, in his opinion, there is itself prorogued can give any official could be no objection to the noble Earl powers to any other body during its proro- opposite telling their Lordships what were gation. I would venture to give an opin- the measures, if any, which he intended ion on the point with great diffidence; but to introduce before Christmas. The real if I did, my opinion of the committee is, that fact was, that their Lordships were assemthe powers of that committee are null and bled for deliberation on one great subject void, and that, on the other hand, there is only, and he thought that it was most wise no power on the part of the Crown, as they to avoid any discussion on free trade and have no official cognisance of the commit- protection on the first day of the Session, tee, to prevent a number of gentlemen for their minds were then overwhelmed with meeting together as a private body to con- sorrow, and were engaged in reflecting on sider what will be for the advantage of the the mournful duty which had devolved Church. That is a question of a legal na- upon them, and on the proceedings in preture, on which I don't think I ought to paration for the approaching funeral of the pronounce an opinion. It will be seen that Duke of Wellington. He understood that from the body of gentlemen meeting, no the noble Earl at that time had postponed official communication has been made to the all discussion on free trade and protection Crown; and, therefore, I do not see how till after the 26th, when his right hon. any interference can be made on the part of Colleague the Chancellor of the Exchequer the Crown to interrupt their sittings. was to make his statement of his fiscal and financial policy in the other House of Parliament. Since that time he had seen that Her Majesty's Government had announced its intention of proposing an abstract resolution, embodying their views on our commercial policy, previously to the 26th instant; but he thought that the noble Earl would have no objection to state to their Lordships what he intended to propose to that House on this subject before Christmas; for, as it was notorious that their Lordships were met for the purpose of considering what was to be the great basis of our commercial policy, it must have been within the contemplation of the noble Earl to take the sense of the House upon it previously to the recess; for it was not to be supposed that when Her Majesty said that if we should be of opinion that recent legislation, in con

BUSINESS OF THE SESSION.

The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE said, that in rising to make the inquiry of which he had given notice, he did not wish to urge on prematurely any debate, or to ask any question which it might be inconvenient for the Government to answer; but he thought it would be for the advantage of public business, and for the private convenience of their Lordships, that the House should know the nature and character of the public business to be proposed before the recess, and of that to be proposed during the remainder of the Session-in fact, generally, what course of public business the Government intended to pursue. He thought that the meeting of Parliament before Christmas did little to lighten the business or to shorten the

tributing, with other causes, to the gener- commercial and fiscal affairs of the country ally improved condition of the country, were to be managed. Those principles and especially of the industrious classes, had, at the same time, inflicted unavoidable injury on certain important interests, we ought dispassionately to consider how far it might be practicable equitably to mitigate that injury"-it was not, he said, to be supposed that that question would not at once be submitted to their Lordships. The speech of the noble Earl was of the same nature as the Speech from the Throne, but it touched upon the same subjects lightly. The question of free trade and protection rested on a great and firm principle, and not on the discovery of gold in one part of the world or another, nor on the sudden impulse of emigration in one year more than another-it was a question to be settled, he hoped finally and satisfactorily, on a firm and sound theory. He hoped that the noble Earl would have no objection to state what measures it was proposed to bring forward, and whether he intended to bring that question under consideration before the 26th instant?

have been matter of controversy for many years, and all parties, whatever their opinions may be, must agree in this, that it is most desirable that at the earliest possible period they should be definitely and finally settled. My Lords, on the great question involved in them, without disguising my opinions, I declared last year, for myself and for those who did me the honour of acting with me-I will not say whether the declaration was wise or unwise, worthy or unworthy of a British Minister—but I declared I should be guided by the sense which the community at large might express through its representatives, and that' I should not bring forward any measure in accordance with my own views if I found that those views were not supported by a large majority of the country, for I thought that the question ought to be finally closed at the earliest period; and therefore, my Lords, though I resisted the applications for an immediate dissolution of Parliament, and for its being summoned to meet again in July, I gave a solemn pledge that before the autumn was at an end Parliament should have an opportunity of deciding on the future fiscal and commercial policy of the country. My Lords, it was in the fulfilment of that pledge that Her Majesty was advised to summon Parliament to meet early in November for the purpose of lay

tained by Her advisers. A further pledge was also given by me in the course of last Session, that, in order to prevent any interference with the ordinary business of the Session, an opportunity should be given to the country to decide on any measures which Government might think it desirable to introduce for the purpose of reversing or modifying that policy. My Lords, it is always unpleasant and mortifying to any public man to have to confess that his sentiments on any subject of great import

The EARL of DERBY: My Lords, the question which has just been put to me by the noble Marquess is one of considerable importance. I shall endeavour to make my answer satisfactory; but, in answering the question as to the intentions of Her Majesty's Government-which I have not the slightest difficulty in answering-Iing before it the views which were entermust call your attention to the general circumstances under which we are now met together. I will not call to your recollection the circumstances under which Her Majesty's present Government accepted office, nor the species of understanding on which the business of the last Session of Parliament was conducted - - when we thought it right to refuse an immediate appeal to the country, which would have interrupted the ordinary business of the Session, and when we further expressed our opinion that at the earliest possible pe-ance are not in unison and accordance with riod an appeal ought to be made to the country at large. My Lords, reference to the country at large will and must undoubtedly and immediately decide whether Her Majesty's Government is or is not in the enjoyment of that amount of the confidence of the country and Parliament which will enable it to administer satisfactorily the affairs of this great nation. There was one important question on which undoubtedly reference to the country was made-namely, on what principles the

those of the great body of his fellow-subjects; but, mortifying as it may be, I have no hesitation in now saying, that the result of the late general election has been such as to convince me that, although a number of the constituencies and their representatives are desirous of giving their support to Her Majesty's present Ministers, a very large number, some of whom might be desirous of giving their support to Her Majesty's present advisers on other subjects, are determined not to assent to any altera

tions in our present commercial system; | same effect in the other House of Parliaand that, in consequence, any alteration in ment, that within the period of one fortthat system, so far from being called for night-namely, on Friday next-my right by a large majority, would, on the con- hon. Friend and Colleague the Chancellor trary, be negatived by a very large portion of the Exchequer would, in detail, lay beof the community and their representatives fore Parliament those measures which he in Parliament. I therefore did not hesi- thought necessary to propose, in order to tate to advise Her Majesty, in the Speech carry out the policy which Her Majesty's from the Throne, to declare, in terms as Ministers had decided upon adopting. I explicit as I thought it proper and fitting was rather surprised, I confess, at the lanas a Minister to place in the mouth of the guage used by the noble Marquess oppoSovereign, not, indeed, any opinion as site. He said, that after making that deto the policy to be pursued, but only an claration, the Government had thought it expression of fact, that the principle of desirable-I beg pardon-that the Governunrestricted competition was one which ment had, in the meantime, given notice of the wisdom of Parliament had decided their intention to move, previously to the should be adopted. If, my Lords, there 26th of November, a specific Resolution was any ambiguity in the tone of that affecting the principle in question. The Speech, I think it must have been re- noble Marquess will forgive me for saying moved by the declaration which I made in that that is neither a candid nor a correct the House myself on the night of the Ad- statement. Her Majesty's Government dress, and by the speech which the leader gave no such notice. They were perfectly of the House of Commons made elsewhere, satisfied to rest until the 26th, when facts, to the effect that, whatever we might think and not words, would give proof of the or desire, we were willing and ready to act sincerity of the course they intended to on the principle of unrestricted competition, pursue. However, my Lords, another which it had been decided should guide Gentleman in the other House, unconnectour fiscal and commercial policy, and that, ed with the Government and opposed to it, my Lords, as frankly and unreservedly as did think fit to anticipate that, which if we had ourselves been the authors of would have been much more satisfactorily it. I doubt much, whether language could discussed after the commercial policy of be framed pledging the Government more the Government was before the country, explicitly to any line of policy, or giving a by giving notice of an abstract Resolution, more satisfactory assurance to those Gen- which he proposed to submit to the contlemen who were apprehensive of our tam- sideration of the House of Commons; and pering with or altering the existing system. so far from the Government giving notice But, my Lords, we went further; for, al- as the noble Marquess has assumed, the though we thought that those who differ fact was, that that hon. Gentleman was from us might have rested fully satisfied appealed to on behalf of the Government, with those expressions-and we know that not to withdraw any notice of Motion he many were satisfied-and agreed with us might think proper to give, but to postin postponing the declaration of our finan- pone the debate on his abstract proposition cial policy until the ordinary period of lay- until the House should be in possession in ing it before the country; yet with a full detail of the intentions and measures of sense of the disadvantages arising from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. So far, the imperfect calculations which must at- my Lords, with reference to an abstract tend measures brought forward in so short Resolution proceeding from the Governa space of time, we thought the more ment. Now, my Lords, as I have touched, honest and upright course was, not to con- I will say one word upon the Resolution fine ourselves to vague expressions, but to proposed by that hon. Member in the other lay before Parliament in full detail those House of Parliament. It was couched— measures of commercial and fiscal policy and, I presume, intentionally-in language which we were prepared to recommend to and terms which the framer of it must the adoption of Parliament, and by which have known it was impossible for the GoParliament would be able to judge at once vernment or their supporters to accept. It of the sincerity of our professions and the was not confined to expressions as to the wisdom and policy of our performance. On policy which was necessary to be pursued the very first day of the Session I took the for the future, but contained reflections and liberty of informing your Lordships, and I opinions in which the Mover must have believe a formal notice was given to the known it was impossible for us to agree.

ing to overthrow the Government; and if that be so, then, considering that this Motion can do nothing towards affirming a principle further than we are ready and willing to affirm that principle ourselves, where is the utility of it? And if it be not intended to overthrow, but only to weaken and discredit the Government, by forcing on them a Resolution in terms which are offensive to them and their supporters-if that be the only intention which the movers have in view, my Lords, I have then great confidence in the House of Commons and the country, and I believe that they will not sanction and support a proceeding which, if that be the intention, must be purely factious, and, if successful, must involve very serious difficulties in its train. Thus much, my Lords, in regard to the course which we are about to pursue, and which we have announced the

For my own part, I must confess that, after the declarations made by the Government on the first night of the Session, and after its announcement that it would proceed to an immediate promulgation of their measures, I think there was no necessity for proposing any specific resolution on the subject. But granting that there was such a necessity, I think that any Gentleman who has at heart the real interests of the country, and the affirmation of the principles he advocates, should so frame the Resolution as to omit everything unnecessary, and to affirm the principle which he sought to support by the largest possible majority, if not the unanimous vote of the House of Commons. That Resolution, however, as I before stated, is couched in terms which the honour and credit of the Government rendered it impossible for them and their supporters to give an assent, So far as regards the affirmation of a principle, it goes no far-intention of pursuing, and the impediments ther than pledging Parliament, so far as that have been thrown in our way. My any Resolution can pledge Parliament, to Lords, I have already said that I concur the adoption of a principle for the future; with the noble Marquess opposite that we it goes no farther than that Amendment, meet together at this unusual period for which, for the purpose of recording the the purpose of discussing any alterations opinions, intentions, and principles of the which it may be intended to make in the Government, my right hon. Friend the existing commercial system, for the purpose Chancellor of the Exchequer has placed on of closing at once and for ever the controthe notice paper of the other House of versy on the subject of protection and free Parliament. Therefore, for the affirma- trade. My Lords, if it had been the intention of a principle, that Motion was and is tion of the Government to offer any proposiunnecessary. I know not, of course, what tion for the purpose of reversing or altering other views may be in contemplation by the system as established, due notice of those who instigated the Motion. If their such a proposition would have, at a very intentions be to overthrow the present early period, been given to this and the Government before the period at which other House of Parliament; but, on the they shall have an opportunity of develop- contrary, both here and there the most ing and explaining their policy, I only distinct intimations have been given that hope, if that be the case, that the hon. we had no intention of proposing measures Gentleman who moves the Resolution, and founded in such a spirit, and that our the heads of those various sections into commercial and financial policy would be which the Opposition in the House of based on a different system. It, thereCommons is divided, have well considered fore, does not occur to me, nor is it dethe full amount of responsibility which they sirable, that your Lordships should be intake upon themselves-that they have vited to pronounce a distinct and positive considered, not how they may combine opinion on that which is not threatened by the largest amount of force for over- any one of us-unless, indeed, a controthrowing the Government, but, having re-versy be raised on the part of those who gard to the interests of the country, they will also consider, the Government being overthrown, whether they possess among them the materials, and that uniformity and unity of action and intention which are necessary to form another, and to preserve the country from the inconveniences of a Ministerial interregnum. It may be that they have no intention to take upon themselves such responsibility, or of seek

dissent from the course which the Government has thought it necessary to pursue, or are desirous of submitting to Parliament the propriety of deviating from that course. The noble Marquess has said, and with truth, that in opening this Session of Parliament the Government ought to advert to those various measures which, in the course of the Session, they feel it their duty to submit to both Houses of

solution, and moving it as an amendment; for it was perfectly competent for them to have accepted the resolution proposed, to have negatived it, or to have avoided a decision by moving the previous question. The Government had, however, decided on taking a different course, and (whether wisely or unwisely he did not say) upon embodying their views in a counter resolution; and he was, therefore accurate in saying that, since he had given notice of his question, Government had placed before the House of Commons a resolution embodying their views upon the commercial policy of the country.

Parliament. But, my Lords, we have | House, was by way of amendment; but done somewhat more. We thought it ad- even supposing that he had not, was it not visable to summon together the present monstrous to suppose that he intended to Session for the purpose more especially of deceive any one as to the mode in which dealing with that commercial and financial the resolution appeared on the Votes of the question; and although we are prepared in other House of Parliament? It was not the other House of Parliament, in which true, accurately speaking, that the Minissuch questions must arise, to deal with ters were at all driven by the resolution prothat commercial and financial question-posed to embody their views in another rethat policy by which we intend to stand or fall before the Christmas recess, and to take the opinion and judgment of that House on that policy, and on those measures which we may submit to it; though we have thought it expedient in this House to avail ourselves of the unexpected time given for renewing our inquiries into that preliminary legislation which must take place on the subject of the East Indian territory at a very early period; though my noble and learned Friend the Lord Chancellor, in a speech full of the most lucid and clear argument, has submitted to the House an outline of those great measures of legal reform which he desires The EARL of DERBY remarked that, to have an opportunity of submitting to without wishing to prevent the noble MarParliament; though (the principles of legal quess from making any observations which reform dealt with by the introduction of he might wish to lay before the House, he Bills into the other House of Parliament, would suggest that, in order that he might not for the purpose of immediate discus-place himself in conformity with the rules sion, but for the deliberate consideration of the House, he should propose some of that House; and though my right hon. substantive Motion to the House upon Friend the Attorney General for Ireland which the discussion might be carried on. is possibly at this very moment engaged in laying before the other House of Parliament measures of the utmost importance in regard to the social condition of Ireland; it is not the desire or the intention of the Government to introduce at this unusual period of the year, or to call for the decision of Parliament upon, any measures except those which are strictly necessary for the purpose of giving entire fulfilment to the understanding which prevailed, and the pledges which were given; but, beyond that, it is not our intention to submit any important measures for the consideration of Parliament; nor do I think it is likely that your Lordships' House will be called upon by Her Majesty's Government to pronounce a decision on any important subject. The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE confessed he was not entirely satisfied with the answer of the noble Earl, which he thought was not sufficiently explicit. He begged, with all deference to the noble Earl, to repel the charge that he was actuated by any factious motives. He thought he

had said that the resolution of which the Government had given notice, in the other

The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE said, that he would conclude by moving that the Clerk should read that portion of Her Majesty's Speech relating to the commercial policy of the country. He did not think that the noble Earl had a right to assume that this passage of the Speech from the Throne, or the speech which he himself made on the first night of the Session, was a sufficient record of the deliberate opinion of that House on this great question. But if the noble Earl thought so, then he (the Marquess of Clauricarde) must say that nothing could be more insignificant or unworthy of the occasion than the noble Earl's treatment of this subject on the first night of the Session. This great question was founded on principles that had not been discussed only since 1846 in England, but which had been discussed in Europe for centuries, and also very much in America of late years. Protection had been maintained by many writers and statesmen of great eminence in other countries as well as in this; but, on the other hand, those on that side of the House contended that free trade was the sound doctrine; that it

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