HARBOURS, &c.

REGULATION OF PORTS AND

ADMIRAL BERKELEY said, he begged

of the Tower. He wished to know whether the establishment was subjected to revision previously to Lord Combermere's appointment, or whether the appointment had been to put the following questions to the made subject to any revision which might hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the hereafter take place, which he conceived to Admiralty: Whether Her Majesty's Gohave been the intention of the Commit-vernment intend to introduce a Bill for tee. the better regulation of ports and harMR. BERESFORD said, in the Com-bours? Whether the present Board of mittee on the Army and Ordnance Esti- Admiralty, soon after their accession to mates the then Secretary at War (Lord office, gave directions that the names of Panmure) certainly stated, that accord- the workmen and artificers, recommended ing to the Resolution of a Committee for promotion, were to be sent direct to the of 1833, the whole staff of appointments Secretary to the Admiralty instead of being at the Tower was to be subject to revi- first submitted to the Surveyor of the Navy, sion at the death of his Grace the Duke as had been previously the rule? Whether of Wellington; but on turning to the any correspondence took place with the Report of the Committee, he did not find Surveyor in consequence of such order, any such resolution. With regard to the and whether such order is still in force? appointment of Viscount Combermere as Whether a Committee of Officers was apConstable of the Tower, he begged to in- pointed to inquire into and report on steam form the right hon. Gentleman that the ap- ships, steam engines, and the subject genepointment was made on the death of the rally as applicable to naval purposes; and Duke of Wellington, with this provision, the reason for such Committee separating that not only the emoluments of the Con- without coming to any conclusion or making stable, but those of other offices also, as any report? they became vacant, were to be subject to MR. STAFFORD said, in answer to the any revision which Parliament might choose first question, it was not the intention of to make. But he must also beg to make the Government to bring in a Bill on that this further remark: That from the Army subject. In reply to the second, he had Estimates of the present year he found to state that he supposed the hon. and galthat the total sum given to reward distin-lant Gentleman alluded, in the wording of guished services amounted to 18,000l.; that the sum to distinguished officers was 9,6741.; for garrisons held by officers, as rewards for military services, 2,931l.; the amount borne on the Vote for rewards was 12,6051.; the amount borne on the staff for the Tower of London was 3,9117.; the amount of appointments on the staff which, when vacated, were applicable as rewards, was 4451.-making altogether 16,9631.; to which was added the sum of 1,0361., making a total sum of 18,000l. That was an estimate to which was appended, not the name of "William Beresford," but "Robert Vernon Smith." The "Tower of London" was included in rewards for distinguished services; and he was sure that in the case of Viscount Combermere, who had served his country upwards of sixty years in India, in the Peninsula, and in nearly all parts of the world-9007. was not too large a sum under that head. He begged leave further to say, in answer to the right hon. Gentleman's question, that whenever any Parliamentary inquiry should be made on the question, the Government would most willingly give their best consideration to it.

his question, to the arrangement made by Mr. Ward in 1847. The arrangement, which was first made when the Navy Pay Office was consolidated with the Board of Admiralty, in 1843, confirmed in 1844, and assumed to be in existence in 1847, when Mr. Ward issued his last regulation, was still in force, and had not been at all disturbed by the present Board of Admiralty. There was no correspondence with the Surveyor of the Navy on the subject. In answer to the third question, he thought the hon. and gallant Gentleman had assumed that the Committee of Officers had separated; but that was not so. The Committee, on their appointment, proceeded to visit Glasgow and Liverpool. They found, however, that in order to carry out the purposes for which they were instituted, it would be necessary to expend a greater sum in the prosecution of their researches than was desirable. For that reason the Committee returned to town, and did not prosecute the inquiry further; but it was in contemplation for them to resume their functions.

MR. RICH said, he wished to know whether any steps had been taken by the

Admiralty with a view to render the naval defences of the country more efficient, in pursuance of the recommendations of a Commission which sat on the subject?

occasion. It was under these circumstances that, on the first evening I gave notice that I should, on a future occasion, bring the matter distinctly under the notice of the House. But, Sir, one of the consequences of the unanimity which prevailed on the first night of this Session was, that this House became bound by the contents of the Address; and with respect to that particular matter on which we were sup

MR. STAFFORD said, the Commission to which the hon. Gentleman referred made a report, in which they suggested certain things to be done, and other things which it would be desirable to do when the next mail contracts came under consideration; but he (Mr. Stafford) did not think it pru-posed to have been summoned, we were dent to stste what those suggestions were, for the present at all events. Subject dropped.

COMMERCIAL LEGISLATION-FREE

TRADE.

MR.VILLIERS rose, in pursuance of notice, to move the following Resolutions :"That it is the opinion of this House, that the improved condition of the Country, and particularly of the Industrious Classes, is mainly the result of recent Commercial Legislation, and especially of the Act of 1846, which established the free admission of Foreign Corn, and that that Act

bound by that paragraph or passage in the Speech which had reference to it, which was the subject of observation on that night, and which, I may add, was at that time so justly and so generally objected to by the House, and I am not exaggerating the case, when I say which, under all the circumstances, has been so universally condemned. Something like an official intimation of the opinion of the Government upon the great matter on which the last Parliament had been dissolved and the new Parliament had been called together, was expected; persons were hoping either to hear that opinion intimated through the Speech, or the view entertained by the Government of the opinion which the country had expressed on the subject; but where they expected to have this information, nothing is found "That this House is ready to take into its con- but what I think has been properly desigsideration any measures consistent with the princi-nated an unworthy evasion of the whole

was a wise, just, and beneficial measure.

"That it is the opinion of this House, that the maintenance and further extension of the policy of Free Trade, as opposed to that of Protection, will best enable the property and industry of the Nation to bear the burthens to which they are exposed, and will most contribute to the general prosperity, welfare, and contentment of the people.

ples of these Resolutions which may be laid before it by Her Majesty's Ministers."

matter. Whereas it was expected to find something in that part of the speech. The hon. Gentleman then said: Sir, in distinctly stated, they found nothing derising to submit to this House the Resolu- cided, nothing asserted, something imtions of which I have given notice, I think plied which was very questionable, while it right to state why I have deemed it my the paragraph concluded in terms which duty to persevere in the Motion, and why II venture to say there was not a man who did not accede to the request which was made to me originally by the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that I would postpone the Motion until a time subsequent to his proposal of some measures which he said he wished to lay before the House. With this view I beg first to call the attention of the House to its own position with respect to the great matter which we are specially summoned at this unusual, and perhaps inconvenient, season to settle. It will be remembered, that on the first night of the Session, there was a sort of general concurrence in the propriety of not moving an Amendment to the Address; which I think was chiefly occasioned by a feeling, that as this Session was a special one, a more deliberate consideration might be given to this subject upon some future or distinct

did not consider were used purposely not to be respectful to this House. I say that, Sir, most advisedly. I do not believe, at least in the modern days of Parliament, that there has ever been such a paragraph penned or addressed by any Ministry to this House. We all know what is meant by a reference to "the wisdom of Parliament. Why, it is the cant sarcasm or cynical reflection commonly made upon the character of this House. Whenever anybody wants to satirise this House, he refers in a sneering tone to its wisdom. That may or may not be just; but I say it is the custom, and I say also that there was not a man in this House, and I believe there was not a man out of this House, who did not recognise this object in the terms used on the occasion. And that is the paragraph in the Speech

an

which was intended to satisfy this country regard to the elections which have taken upon a question distinctly put in issue place, proposes, or at least suggests to me, when Parliament was dissolved, to which that I should waive the proposition which answer is said to have been given, I now make for a distinct decision of the and for which Parliament has been sum- House, until he brings in certain measures. moned expressly to declare. Why, Sir, Now, I don't know what these certain I am at a loss to understand how hon. measures have to do with the purpose for Gentlemen opposite can honestly say that which we have met. I do not remember for a moment they supposed that such that the last Parliament was dissolved for a passage in such a Speech would be at the purpose of taking an opinion on any all satisfactory to what they themselves measures, and I am not aware that any have described as "the great majority of measures have been submitted to the counthis House." And still more am I sur- try. I do not deny that certain intimaprised to learn, from what has passed re- tions were made in another place of meacently in another place, that it was not sures which were to please everybody, if only expected to be satisfactory, but that only a reasonable time were given for their anybody who disputes the matter-any body introduction. That may all make a very who is not satisfied with such an allusion to good story for Gentlemen to tell their conthe great matter in question-is factious, stituents, or for Cabinet Ministers to anand raises a question about it for the pur-nounce to their party, but it will not do for pose of opposing the Government, or resisting the measures which are in contemplation for the benefit of the country. Sir, it is on this account that I consider it most important that this House should come to some positive declaration on the great question at issue. This House is put in a position anything but satisfactory by the decision of the other night. I said before, and I repeat, that no Amendment having been moved to the Address, the House has become bound by its contents; and, with reference to the condition of the country, it is bound by the passage in the Speech to which I have referred; and I ask whether that is a decent or a satisfactory way for this House to represent the opinion so strongly expressed by the country upon a great question submitted to it? But the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer suggested to me to waive the Motion of which I gave notice, for the purpose of first hearing the measures which he had to propose. Now, Sir, I really do not understand the logic of such a proposition. This House is met at this time, as I have said before, for the purpose of receiving the answer of the country upon a matter distinctly referred to it-the policy which is to regulate the commercial interests of the country. I am only saying that which was stated by the First Minister at the beginning of the last Session, and repeated by him last night, when I assert that is the purpose for which we are assembled at this unusual time of the year. The right hon. Gentleman, without anything having been conveyed in the Speech as to the opinion of the Government upon this subject, or with VOL. CXXIII. [THIRD SERIES.]

a House of Commons assembled for a specific purpose, and determined to fulfil the purpose for which we are met. We have a distinct recollection of the purpose for which the Parliament was dissolved; and it was, as was said the other night, to be because the First Minister of the Crown could not make up his mind to change his opinion on a certain important subject, and thought proper to assume that there was a doubt upon the matter, and to take the opinion of the country as to whether he was right or wrong in the course he had adopted. As far as I could understand that Minister, last year, he consented to be tried by his country: he submitted himself-I will not repeat the irreverent addition he made-to that ordeal; he said he would be tried by his country, and that is sufficient to justify my Motion. He has been tried, and, as it seems to me, has been found wrong, though now he seems to start afresh, and says, Well, if that won't do, I must try something else." Certainly, says the First Minister, "you differ from me in this matter; but if you only give me a little time, I have got a Colleague so fertile in his resources, and of such transcendent abilities, that he will soon prepare a substitute for you-something that you will be delighted with— something that, if he is only permitted to produce it, is sure to be satisfactory to all parties." I do not deny that this is possible. There are geniuses of that kind, particularly in connexion with medicine, who discover remedies for every evil to which the flesh is heir; and I have no doubt but that this Colleague is preparing measures which will be universally palat

N

66

able, if he has only plenty of time to pro- | who intimates that there can be no justice duce them. But in the meantime we must for the farmers until that most unwise think of the business for which we are as measure, the law of 1819, is repealed. sembled, and come to the decision for Again, a Gentleman high in the confidence which we have met. I am perfectly aston- of Government, one holding a most imished to hear that a Motion so obvious, so portant position in the Government, goes reasonable, as I hope that is which I am down to Lincolnshire and informs the about to submit to the House, one so farmers there-I don't allude to his origi strictly consistent with the purpose for nal speech, in which he stated the grounds which we are assembled, and the object of his confidence in Lord Derby, that he with which we were dissolved and dis- knew his Lordship to be a thorough propersed through the country-I am per- tectionist, one who had nothing at heart fectly astonished to hear that the very but the re-enactment of a protectionist mention of such a fair common-sense policy-I will not allude to that speech, it proposition is considered by Her Ma- is too old, it was made some months ago— jesty's Government and their support but I allude to the speech of a week ago, ers to be factious. Framed for the pur- which I consider to be important. In that pose of overthrowing the Government! speech he says that there are only two Framed for the purpose of thwarting Min- courses open to the Government: either to isters! Really, I do not know why I am return to protection, or to give the agriimplicitly to trust this Government, or to culturists in its place something as good, rest satisfied with their reputation for con- which, as I venture to read it, would be, sistency! I do not see why such faith something quite as bad. These, then, are in them should be expected from any man. the measures shadowed out by Members in I dare say that before this debate termi- the confidence of the Government, and nates, we shall have plenty of reasons still the hon. Gentleman says Let me given why we should all agree; but still I bring forward my measures, let me have cannot think my offence deserves the name the precedence of you.' Of me, who of factiousness, or seeing that the Go want to lay down some principle upon vernment has not yet intimated its opinion which the country ought to regulate its -why I should not submit some Motion commerce, or, according to an expression to the House of Commons, in order that it used in the House of Lords, its interests. may express its collective opinion, in obe- Before you do that, says the right hon. dience to the directions its Members have Gentleman, let me introduce my measures. received from their constituents. More But the right hon. Gentleman asks me to over, I have no idea of what the measures assume that some mischief has been done, are which the right hon. Gentleman is to and that some reparation is required, propose with a view of silencing a factious which he must be aware I deny in toto, opposition. I certainly have read the and declare the direct opposite to be the public papers, and have endeavoured to case. Then I am told of recent converts. collect the information which is open to I hear of persons who are honestly deeverybody, and I have found the same sirous of supporting our policy-persons, difficulty which I believe has been felt by too, who on both sides of the House are every one, in tracing out the real character tender on the subject and I am told of these measures. I have read carefully that we have framed our Resolutions purthe speeches of persons supposed to be in posely to offend these converts. the confidence of Her Majesty's Govern- some information that they are honest conment. One of them, a noble Marquess, verts, and that they adopt our views of when addressing an agricultural audience, commercial policy, and certainly they shall said that he had received no distinct inti- receive all forbearance from this side of mation of what the Cabinet contemplated, the House. But, as far as I can underbut he felt perfectly convinced that they stand, the converts to free trade, if conin some way or other intended to advance verts at all, are so from necessity. You the agricultural interest, whether by a tax have dissolved the last Parliament, and on spring corn, or by meddling with the you have got a verdict against you; and currency of the country, he could not say, you, what you call, bow to the verdict of but relief was in some way or other to be the country. Certainly I must say that a afforded. Turning our view to Essex, we more convenient course for a party I never see a Gentleman there, who has given his heard of, than that of dissolving Parliaattention particularly to the currency, and ment to obtain a verdict from public

Give us

opinion as to whether they are right or | and beneficial, and we are assembled here wrong, and the adoption of such course to declare them so. There is one thing, afterwards. One cannot but be amused at moreover, which cheers me on, and which it. To use a rather vulgar metaphor, it satisfies me of the propriety of my making is merely, "heads, I win, tails, you lose.' this Motion, namely, that it has already done If protection succeeds, so much the better, some good-the good, that it has produced we are all right. If free trade is success- the Amendment of the right hon. Gentleful, we "bow" to the verdict of the coun- man. I can assure the right hon. Gentletry, but at all events we remain in. I man that I have derived the greatest satisnever should have made these observations, faction from seeing his Amendment, which nor have taken this line of argument, had is not an amendment on my Resolution, not my Motion been stigmatised as fac- but a great amendment of his own politics tious. I want to justify my course, and and that of his party, particularly as they to show to the country that I am reason- are propounded in the Queen's Speech, able in calling for a distinct declaration of and especially in a recent one by the First the principles that are to guide the Go- Minister of the Crown. And I can hardly vernment. I believe that the country has be induced to withdraw my Resolution for declared itself to be perfectly satisfied with the sake of this Amendment, because I its experience of recent commercial policy, think that any man of common sense seeand don't want to have it changed. On ing the two propositions would say that the contrary, they want to have it declared mine was the Amendment, and the right settled, and extended, too. And I cannot hon. Gentleman's the original proposiunderstand why the Government should tion. Neither would I withdraw it, if it hesitate to declare itself satisfied and de- was only from the good it had done termined to carry that policy out to its already. I will not despair that before the fullest extent. If I am to understand the close of the evening, or of the week, the arguments or speeches of the right hon. right hon. Gentleman may adopt my ResoGentleman, or at least of the First Minis- lution-perhaps vote for it. There is one ter of the Crown, they mean that the point in the Amendment that brings us so latter has not abandoned his opinions at near to an agreement that I am in hopes all, but is of the same opinion still. That we shall have but one division, or perhaps being the case, I cannot understand that none. It is a most valuable admission, there is anything unreasonable in the "that one of the Acts of our recent legiscountry declaring-leaving the First Min-lation had cheapened provisions, and thereister to his opinions-that they also adhere to their opinions, and that they should be expressed by their representatives in this House. I do not believe that a public meeting could be called in any part of the country, when the persons assembled would not declare that they had derived the greatest advantages from the changes which legislation had made in our commercial policy, that they were satisfied with them, and that they did not wish to return to the old system. Then I want to know why the House of Commons is the last place in which such opinions are to be declared. Why are we to come with "bended knee and bated breath" to whisper something conditional and equivocal, like this paragraph in the Queen's Speech, which seems to intimate that evil had resulted from the commercial changes, and that the first business of Parliament should be to remedy that evil? That paragraph is vague and mysterious: we don't understand it. We, the majority of this House, think, and have declared else where, that the recent changes were wise

by greatly improved the condition of the working classes." I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman on that point; and so much do I agree with him that I have specifically referred to that Act; and so entirely do I agree with him in his reference to that Act, which has cheapened provisions, and thereby improved the condition of the working classes, which the right hon. Gentleman, in his Amendment, says it has, that I have characterised it as a wise and just measure. If the right hon. Gentleman still requires me to withdraw my Resolution, he will feel obliged to tell me why an Act which, according to his own Amendment, has conferred such an inestimable blessing on the people, should not receive the character which I have given it. I should be surprised if there should be any hesitation on the part of his friends to admit that character to be just; for, having long considered the subject, having many times assisted in its discussion in this House, I have a distinct recollection that this recent legislation, which used to be called in that day the total repeal of