man the Attorney General for Ireland (Mr. Napier) moved the second reading of the Bills he had introduced.

530 tenant-farmers, he could not affirm any of cellor of the Exchequer, therefore, on bethe Resolutions now before the House. He half of the Gouernment, so far to assist was aware the question was settled by the him as to give him an opportunity of bringdecision of the country, and to that deci-ing in his Bill before the right hon. Gentlesion he thought it his duty to bow. The only constitutional course for a Member of Parliament, when a question was decided by the country, was to apply himself, however strong his personal feelings might be, to carry out that principle. If they were to have unrestricted competition, their industry ought not to be trammelled by any fiscal or unnatural regulation. If the soil of England was to compete with the soil of the whole world, they should be permitted to grow any crop they could possibly cultivate. He trusted that if they were obliged to accept of the principle of Free Trade, that the agriculturists would no longer be compelled to contribute so much to the revenue of the country.

SIR JAMES GRAHAM said, that under the circumstances of the case, he would ask the leave of the House to withdraw his Motion for its adjournment.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

TENANT RIGHT (IRELAND) BILL. MR. C. VILLIERS said, that the hon. and learned Member for Kilkenny County had a Motion on the paper relative to Tenant Right, but he would appeal to the hon. and learned Gentleman to waive his right to precedence, and to allow the adjourned debate on the Resolutions he (Mr. Villiers) had proposed, and the Amendment. of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to go on.

MR. SERJEANT SHEE said, the question he had to bring under the notice of the House was one of no ordinary importance. It was, indeed, a matter most important to Irish Members, and to himself, as well as to the constituencies they represented. If those constituencies could be present, and see with their own eyes what was going on, they might, however, understand the importance of the question which the House was anxious to discuss, and of the various propositions before them. If it was the general sense of the House that he ought to give way, he should be very sorry to interpose his Motion, and he was sure he would do no good to his constituents, or to the people of Ireland, in opposing himself to the strongly-declared sense of the House. But, on the other hand, if he gave up this point to the House, he thought the House ought to do something for him. He would ask the right hon. Chan

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, he thought the hon. and learned Gentleman, in yielding to the general feeling of the House on a subject of great interest, had exercised a wise discretion, and he was sure his constituents would not be dissatisfied with his conduct on that occasion. He would not object to the hon. and learned Gentleman bringing in his Bill, but he was afraid that if the hon. and learned Gentleman liked to put it down for to-morrow night, which was a Government night, the debate on the question now before the House might take up the whole time. He would assist the hon. and learned Member to bring in his Bill, but he could not pledge himself to support it. He might at the same time observe that he would not be able to make his financial statement to-morrow night (Friday), as he had given notice he would.

MR. SERJEANT SHEE said, he wished to have had an opportunity of stating the principles of the Bill; but as the House appeared so anxious to resume the debate on Commercial Legislation, he would only ask permission of the House for leave to bring in the Bill.

Leave given. Bill read 1°.

COMMERCIAL LEGISLATION-FREE
TRADE-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

Order read, for resuming adjourned Debate on Amendment proposed to Question [23rd November], "That it is the opinion of this House that the improved condition of the Country, and particularly of the Industrious Classes, is mainly the result of recent Commercial Legislation, and especially of the Act of 1846, which established the free admission of Foreign Corn; and that that Act was a wise, just, and beneficial measure:”—(Mr. Charles Villiers:)— And which Amendment was to leave out from the first word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words "this House acknowledges, with satisfaction, that the cheapness of provisions, occasioned by recent Legislation, has mainly contributed to improve the condition and increase the comforts of the Working Classes; and that unrestricted competition having been adopted, after due delibera

tion, as the principle of our Commercial System, this House is of opinion that it is the duty of the Government unreservedly to adhere to that policy in those measures of Financial and Administrative Reform which, under the circumstances of the Country, they may deem it their duty to introduce."(Mr. Chancellor of the Ex-mainly the result of recent Legislation, which chequer,)-instead thereof.

was, and is, protection to our native indus- | of the oldest of our commercial firms were try and capital. That principle, on the levelled to the dust. Money, wealth, prosplatform and the hustings, as well as in perity, all disappeared; the Government this House, I have endeavoured, to the ut- fixed the rate of interest for advances by most of my power, to maintain. I have the Bank of England at 8 per cent, and in done so, through good report and evil re- private transactions it rose to 12, 15, and port, under much of obloquy, some of even, under the severity of the pressure, which I may have justly merited, but much to 18 and 20 per cent: and this was of which I have felt was harsh, and not under your boasted system of free trade. justly deserved. Before, then, I can con- It certainly was an extraordinary and unsent to read a recantation, and abjure the expected retribution, that trade and comprinciples of a whole life, I trust the House merce should have felt and staggered under will grant me its indulgence, while I give the first shock. You persevered in your my reasons for the faith which is still in system, and our domestic agriculture next me. Now, Sir, I have always understood reeled under the blow. During the sucthat the system of free trade, now to be ceeding years an amount of agricultural extended to free and unrestricted compe- depression was experienced never before tition, was ushered in by a system of relax-known. Agricultural capital was swept ation of our commercial tariff in the year away by millions, as we have a ready wit1842. I admit that, under the circum-ness in the hon. and learned Mover of stances of the country, that was a wise and these Resolutions. This, too, occurred beneficial measure, and that great advan-under your boasted system of free trade; tages flowed from it to the country at and the pressure continued with increased large. I will also allow, what indeed it and accumulating violence from year to would be foolish and idle to deny, that the year, until Providence opened to us those years 1843, 1844 and 1845, were years of vast regions and stores of mineral wealth, great national prosperity. Let me, how-whence have flowed, ever since, riches to an ever, pause here for a moment, and in- enormous extent. Providence, Sir, and quire what financial and commercial mea- not human legislation, nor any efforts or sures passed the Legislature during this results of human wisdom, has removed the period in 1844, the Charter of the Bank pressure, and produced these blessings unof England was passed, and in 1845 those der which the country is now beginning to of Scotland and Ireland followed: in the revive; and, Sir, if the principle of protecyear 1844 money was abundant, and as tion to our native industry and capital were easy of attainment as it is at the present now prevailing-firmly maintained and moment; the Bank of England fixed its prudently extended or relaxed, as occasion rate of interest at 2 per cent, and advances justified-I know of no limit within which could be had, as now, from private sources our national prosperity would now be conat 1 per cent. And now, Sir, what fol- fined. Sir, I have felt this, and still feel lowed? The year 1846 was confessedly a it, that it is incontrovertible and true. I period of the wildest speculation ever have endeavoured to fight the battle of known in the annals of the country. In protection honestly and manfully, but I addition to private and joint-stock adven- am perfectly willing to admit that we have tures of every sort and kind, railway spe- suffered defeat. I am willing to admit culations, requiring capital to the extent that Manchester has proved too strong for of nearly four hundred millions, received us. But I am of opinion, as the noble the sanction of the Legislature. In 1846, Viscount the Member for Tiverton seems too, the Corn Laws were repealed; and to be of opinion, that, if we are vanquished now commenced in earnest, and without and acknowledge it frankly, to require of restriction, the application of the principle, us to abjure and surrender all the fixed and the development of the effects, of your opinions of our lives, and to give a flat deboasted system and policy of free trade.nial, by our votes, to our own past career, is Well, Sir, the very next succeeding year, 1847, brought a collapse in the commercial world, and a convulsion which shook commercial credit to its very centre. In the crash, mercantile and commercial capital, to the extent, I think, of upwards of fifty millions, in a few months was swept away, and many of the highest, and some

going much too far. Under the existing prosperity of the industrious classes, I, for one, have no intention to attempt to reverse or alter that policy which, after a distinct appeal made to it, the country has now unequivocally confirmed. I will give it a fair trial. My own convictions remain unaltered, and are not by force and vio

MR. BERNAL OSBORNE said, he apprehended that the supplemental debate which they had witnessed that evening was about one of the most irregular things that had probably ever been witnessed in that House, and he should hope that the commencement of a new Parliament hon. Members would not make a precedent of a debate in which he did think the distinguished order of Baronets had not cut a very distinguished figure. Now his hon. Friend the Member for the Tower Hamlets (Sir W. Clay) was a very gentlemanly man he was a man of very fine and sensitive feelings-and the Resolution of his hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. C. Villiers) had gained upon his susceptibility. His

"native hue of resolution

lence to be eradicated; but the battle has | nation to vote against the Resolutions of been fought in the country, and I acknow- the hon. and learned Member for Wolverledge my party to be beaten. I utterly hampton; and at the same time to express deny, however, that it is to that policy of my deep regret, on every ground, that I free trade that the improved condition of cannot record my vote in favour of the the country is to be ascribed. I wish to Amendment of the noble Lord the Membe accurately informed of the extent to ber for Tiverton. which that metallic wealth which Providence has disclosed to us, has flowed, and is continuing to flow, into this country. I believe it to be to an extent perfectly astonishing. The discovery of these gold regions, too, has had a double effect on the condition of the country. It has opened avenues and outlets for the outpouring of a redundant population; and it is my opinion that it is to this in-pouring of metallic wealth, coupled with a vast out-pouring, in a continuous stream, of masses of our people, that the prosperous condition of the working and industrious classes, and those who employ them, too, is to be mainly attributed. This conviction, Sir, is so impressed on my mind, that I deeply regret I cannot concur in the Amendment of the noble Lord; still less can I give my assent to the original Resolutions of the hon. and learned Member for Wolverhampton. But, Sir, I feel as little disposed to embarrass the Government, in whose general policy I most fully concur. Although, then, upon the great questions of free trade and protection I lament the policy they have adopted, and the surrender they have made, and I must differ from them, yet upon all the great constitutional questions that must force themselves on the consideration of Parliament -in upholding inviolate the safety, honour, and dignity of the Crown,-in protecting and purifying the Church, in main-ion had been completely out of order. But taining the Christian character of the Legislature; in defending our Protestant institutions in Church and State, both in this and the sister island, against that monstrous confederacy which, under the guise and watchword of religious equality, has reared its head-on all these questions of public policy they will have my earnest, zealous, and unflinching support. And, Sir, on the question of free trade, or, as it is now to be, free and unrestricted competition, they will not need my support, for if Gentlemen opposite are true to their ancient professions, of regarding measures and not men, they must command theirs. I rose, Sir, at this stage of the debate, to record my unaltered convictions on the subject of protection to our native interests; to declare my determina

Seemed sicklied o'er by the pale cast of thought;" but he must say, if the hon. Baronet the Member for the Tower Hamlets brought these fine susceptibilities into the House, he would be more qualified to weep over the Sorrows of Werter, than to discuss the principle of Free Trade. He (Mr. B. Osborne) lamented that the hon. Baronet had thought proper to put the question to the hon. Member for Wolverhampton; he lamented that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham) should have originated that debate, which he thought Mr. Speaker would be of opin

what was the position they stood in at the present moment? They had no less than four Resolutions before them. No; one had been withdrawn, and there were only three. [An Hon. MEMBER: No! only two.] He believed there was a third; or else, what had become of the Resolution proposed by the right hon. Baronet the Member for Carlisle? [An Hon. MEMBER: No, no! that's gone too.] What, had hon. Gentlemen opposite swallowed that too? [ No, no!"] Oh, then, it was not moved, but was intended to be a supplemental Resolution. But, if he understood the confusion of to-night, the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton (Viscount Palmerston) had moved an Amendment to the original Resolution, which had been improved by the right hon. Gentleman the

Member for Carlisle, and adopted by the the noble Lord to say of his new friends right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer and connexions on the other side of the in the name of the Government. But for House, that they were pursuing a politic himself he had no hesitation on reading course; but he thought that the noble Lord the original Resolution, to say that it was went rather too far when he said it was a the one which the House ought to adopt, course that was creditable. He might nor did he think the country would be consent to say that it was a politic course; under any mistake as to its terms or ap- but he must dissent from the noble Lord pearance. This was no question of words: in toto as to the credit which the noble it was not a matter to be left to the eti- Lord appeared to attach to that course. quette of the Punip-room of Bath, or to a And when the noble Lord, forsooth, tauntmaster of the ceremonies. It was the vin- ed his hon. Friend the Member for Mandication of a policy-a policy which Sir chester (Mr. Bright), and told him that he Robert Peel commenced in 1842, and com- was making a great national interest a pleted in 1846. It might be all very well party question, he must take leave to ask for some Gentlemen to indulge in nice the noble Lord who it was that had made criticisms, and he must tell the noble Lord it a party question for six long years? the Member for Tiverton that they were Who was it indeed? Was it the Free there to consider what was just and right: it Traders in the House, or out of the House? was a great question of political morality, No, it was the right hon. Gentleman the and not a question of what was agreeable Chancellor of the Exchequer and his assoto Gentlemen on the other side of the ciates on the other side; and he thought House. He was therefore very much sur- there was little room for any man to prised at the noble Lord's Amendment, but talk about the credit of their course. if he was surprised at the Amendment, he For his part, no honest politician could was still more surprised at the speech with say that the conduct of the Protecwhich it was accompanied. He was aware tionist party had been a credit to themthat some people were of opinion that it selves. But the noble Lord had taken his was quite natural in the noble Lord-who own line; he had chosen to move an Amendmight be considered as a sort of wet nurse ment to the original Resolution, thereby to the present Administration-who at endeavouring to break up the united opintended them in their infancy, and cherished ion of the liberal side of the House. It them in their adversities last Session-to was very natural that the movement of the step in to relieve the British Protectionist noble Lord should be viewed with suspicion when he was almost choking with their by those who had hitherto been his friends; endeavours to swallow a crust of Free but if the noble Lord surprised him by his Trade bread. Some people thought it was Amendment and his speech, what was his quite natural for the noble Lord, at such a surprise to hear the speech of the Atlas of conjunction to pat them on the back, and the Administration and the Proteus of proadminister a mixture of his own creation. tection, the right hon. Gentleman the ChanBut if he took exception to the terms of cellor of the Exchequer? He thought the the noble Lord's Amendment, what was House would agree with him in saying, he to say to his speech? He had a strong that the fluency of the right hon. Gentleimpression that the sympathies of the noble man's dictum was only equalled by the harLord would hereafter be enlisted more by diness of his assertions. The right hon. the Tory benches than by his old and tried Gentleman talked of the audacity of the nofriends. He entertained a great respect ble Lord the Member for the City of London for the noble Lord-he had a great admi- (Lord John Russell). Why, the right hon. ration for him; yes, he proved that by his Gentleman appeared to him to have taken vote when the noble Lord on a memo- a leaf out of the book of a great French charrable occasion was exposed to the dan-acter. [Laughter.] Oh, but he did not alger of a vote of censure which his new friends wished to pass upon him: on that occasion, as an independent Member, he gave the noble Lord his humble support; he approved of the noble Lord's policy on that occasion, and, therefore, he had a just right now to speak his honest convictions as to the course pursued by the noble It might be all very well for

Lord now.

lude to M. Thiers. He spoke of the great French character at the time of the French Revolution-Danton, who, when he was asked to give a reason for his success, said, "Audacity, always audacity." Well, now, what was the course pursued by the right hon. Gentleman? The right hon. Gentleman actually had the face to tell the House, the other night, after the course he