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ment should have been brought into harmony that when the independence of Greece was by a Resolution interposed in this manner. confirmed, it was considered an object of

Then the Amendment was also (by great importance that a dynasty should be leave of the House) withdrawn.

secured to that people, and that the sucThen it was moved in the original Mo- cession of that dynasty in a regular line tion to leave out

should be guaranteed to the Greek people —“thankfully acknowledging the general Pros- by the three Powers of Russia, France, perity, and deeply sensible of the Evils attending and England. After the war was confrequent Changes in the Financial Policy of the cluded, and the Greek independence was Country.”

secured, the Greeks themselves prayed to The same was agreed to.

have a constitutional form of government, Then the said original Motion, as and by one of the articles of that constiamended, was agreed to, Nemine Dissen- tution it was declared that no future King tiente, as follows:

of Greece should be of any other than the Resolved—That this House adheres to the Greek faith. It is known to your LordCommercial System recently established, and ships that the present King, who was at would view with Regret any renewed Attempt to the time of his election but a child, was disturb its Operation or impede its farther Progress.”

brought up in the Roman Catholic faith,

and in consequence of that, that part of FOREIGN AFFAIRS—THE FRENCH

the treaty has never been enforced. It EMPIRE.

appeared to Her Majesty's Government LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, that a guarantee should be given by the that he wished to put a question to the three Powers that the future King of noble Earl the Secretary of State for Fo- Greece should be of the Greek faith, as reign Affairs. He wished to ask him well as that the dynasty itself should be whether Her Majesty's Government had guaranteed by the three Powers according any objection to lay before Parliament a to the treaty of 1832. It was necessary, copy of the protocol signed by England in order to accomplish this end, to revise and the four great European Powers, re- the treaty entered into by the three Powers specting the canton of Neufchatel; and in 1832. Her Majesty's Government inalso of the convention between England, vited Russia and France to join with the Russia, France, Bavaria, and Greece, for Government of Bavaria in revising the the settlement of the succession to the treaty with that object; and they agreed throne of Greece; and to inquire whether to the invitation, and signed a new treaty, the report was correct that there had been having that object in view. I believe I some recent change in the political rela- am in order in saying that it is not the tions of the territory of Montenegro ? custom to lay a treaty upon your Lord.

The EARL of MALMESBURY: My ships' table until an exchange of ratifiLords, with respect to the first question cations has taken place. There is another put to me by the noble Baron, I have only question which the noble Baron intimated to give him the same reply which I gave his desire to ask-whether any change him last Session;--for the negotiations had recently taken place in the political have not been proceeded with since the relations of that wild country bordering on noble Baron put the same question to me Albania, called Montenegro. I believe in the course of last Session. The proto- that, since Her Majesty's Government col which has been agreed to, which I am came into office, no change whatever has not at present prepared to lay upon the taken place with respect to its political table of the House, because the negotia- relations. The chief of that country bears tions are not yet commenced—that protocol a double title. He is head of the Greek confers upon Her Majesty's Government Church in that country, and he is also the the power of choosing its own time to temporal sovereign. But with respect to begin further negotiations. The present his ecclesiastical position, he is under the does not appear to Her Majesty's Govern- jurisdiction of the Emperor of Russia, who ment to be the proper time to enter upon is considered to be the protector of the further negotiations; and I may add that whole Greek Church. The chief of Montethe other parties who signed that protocol negro has been, as I believe his ancestors are of the same opinion. With respect to were before him, to St. Petersburgh, to the question of the Greek succession, which receive from the sanction and recognition has just been signed by the Four Powers, of the Emperor his episcopal jurisdiction it will be in your Lordships' recollection and titles. With respect to the independence of that country, whatever the opin- | tory can furnish an example. When, at the ions of different persons may be as to the Revolution of 1848, a Republic succeeded to advantages of such a position, the fact is, the monarchy of Louis Philippe, the present that Montenegro has been an independent Emperor of the French was residing in this country for something like a period of 250 country. He went over with none of that years, and though various attempts have canvassing which usually takes place in rebeen made by the Porte to bring it into lation to elections of far minor importance subjection, these attempts have failed one-he went over, I may say, with nothing after another, and the country is in the same but his name—a name which, in the great position now that it was some 200 years ago. power it exercises, in the magic with which

My Lords, having answered these ques- it acts upon the people of France, expetions of my noble Friend opposite, it is rience alone has been able to make Europe now my duty to announce to your Lord- understand. We can readily comprehend ships an event which we have all long how the fate of Napoleon, so chequered as since expected, but which has not dimin- his was—such a mixture of immense glory ished in importance from the circumstance with immense misfortune—was exactly the that it has been long expected or foreseen, mode calculated to rouse the sympathies -I allude to a notification which Her and to interest the feelings of human naMajesty's Government has received from ture; and we cannot wonder that it should the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs make a lasting impression upon the people at Paris, announcing that the French peo- over whom he so long and so gloriously ple have determined to change their po- reigned. But, my Lords, it is scarcely litical constitution from a republic to an possible for any person in any European empire, and that they have raised the state out of France to suppose that the person of the Prince President of the prestige of that name remains so long, so Republic to the Imperial dignity of the steadily, and so strongly, that thirty-seven Empire. That communication was made years after his abdication, his nephew to me on Thursday; and having been should have appeared in three different communicated by me to the other members characters before the French people within of Her Majesty's Government, Iler Ma- the space of four years—offering himself jesty's servants thought it right to advise without any of the accessories of Courts Her Majesty without delay, and cordially, or Governments to assist him—first, as to recognise the new constitution which simple President of the French Republic had been selected by the French people with a Chamber ; secondly, as absolute for their Government. My Lords, it has President of the French Republic, without been, as your Lordships know, the usual any constitutional form of government ; policy of this country, for the last twenty- and thirdly, as Emperor of the same peotwo years—ever since the Revolution of ple:—first, elected by six millions-next, 1830 in France—to adhere to the consti- elected by seven millions—and lastly, tutional doctrine, that a people have a elected by nearly eight millions—a number right to choose their own Sovereign with that would form almost the entire male out the interference of any foreign Power; adult population of France. The present -and that when a Sovereign has been is not the time to speculate upon the reafreely chosen by the people of a country, sons for this extraordinary expression of that Sovereign, by whatever name he sentiment and conviction on the part of may be called, is at once recognised as the French people. But I think that if de facto the ruler of that country, by the we have long lost sight of the power of Sovereign of this. And, my Lords, I that name in France, it has been because must say, that if there was ever formerly we have not sufficiently observed that up any doubt as to the distinct will of another to this moment, in the chances and changes nation being expressed in respect to their which have taken place in the government choice of a Sovereign--if ever there was a of that country, only one part of her popu. doubt as to the intention and the wish of lation has been consulted. It was in Paris the French people at any former time-on alone that those changes have taken place. this occasion, at least, it is perfectly im- It was in Paris alone that the fates of possible to doubt what their determinations Louis Philippe and Charles X. were deterare. Three times, in the most solemn mined. It was by the voice of the Parisians possible manner-three times have they alone that the Republic was established in expressed a wish for the same person in the the year 1848; and although both forms of most public manner of which, perhaps, his government successively met with the

no

silent approbation of the country, yet on' would naturally have induced any one, to

one occasion until the President of suppose that the interpretation to be given the Republic was elected in 1848 were to it would have been that of common parthe whole mass of the French people con- lance, as it is understood and accepted sulted with regard to what form of govern- when it is used to designate sovereignsment they preferred, or what manner of the numeral adopted was intended to conman they sought. In the mass of the vey the infereuce that he was descended French people, one recollection-one only by direct and legitimate succession from -and one strong partiality prevails; and the former Emperor, and that by right of I think it is not difficult to understand why that descent he now filled the throne of this should be. In 1815, at the time of France. My Lords, the advisers of the the Restoration, the French army-an present Emperor of the French, foreseeing enormous French army-was disbanded. this difficulty, frankly took the initiative in It was poured back again upon the hearths assuring Her Majesty's Government that of the population. The prisoners of war it related simply to the historical incident returned from all parts of the world in that in France, and according to French thousands and tens of thousands; and I law, two sovereigns of the name of Napobelieve I am not exaggerating the number leon have preceded the present Emperor. when I say that, perhaps, 400,000, or from Neither of these Sovereigns, as your Lordthat to half a million of men, with one ships know, was recognised by this country. fixed idea in their minds, and with one-I The French know that as well as your may call it--worship fixed in their hearts, Lordships-and they, therefore, adopt the then returned to their homes; and for title with no intention of claiming any twenty or thirty years afterwards they hereditary right from the first Emperor. talked and they thought but of one man; This the French Government bave disand they thought and they spoke of him tinctly intimated to Her Majesty's Goas the great idol of their imagination; and vernment; and subsequently in a speech though they could hardly have exaggerated by the Emperor himself he has declaredhis military merits and his military glory, and his Government have also declared it they still added to those all that the warm- to ours--that he is Sovereign only by the est enthusiasm could give. Upon the voice of the people, not by hereditary rising generation all this could not be lost; right to the throne-that he distinctly reand it appears to me that the seeds which cognises all the Governments that have these men have sown in the provinces of existed since 1814 in France—and that he France are now to be seen in the fruit of recognises the acts of those Governments, which we have witnessed the ripening on and acknowledges the solidarity of those this occasion. Seeing then this immense Governments as succeeding others. With demonstration of feeling on the part of this frank and satisfactory explanation, it the French people, it was imposssible for was only left to Her Majesty's GovernHer Majesty's Government, even if it had ment, as I said before, cordially and with not been our usual policy to sanction such pleasure to acknowledge the decided will demonstrations, not to have advised Her of the French nation, and to send to Her Majesty immediately and cordially to ac- Majesty's Ambassador at Paris new crecept and recognise the Empire. There dentials to the new Court. In the notifimight have been one, and one only, rea- cation which the Emperor has made to son that might have tempted us to hesitate Her Majesty's Government, he says that before we advised Her Majesty to proceed; the same policy which influenced the Prebut I rejoice to say that the good sense of sident will influence the Emperor. And the present Emperor, foreseeing the diffi- with respect to that policy, as it regarded culty, met it in advance, and removed from England, it is impossible to speak too Her Majesty's Government those difficul- highly of the cordial and frank manner in ties that might otherwise have intervened. wbich every question has been entertained I allude to a somewhat ambiguous expres- by the Government of France—at least sion which was found in the report of the since I have had the honour of holding the Senatus consultum, which referred to the seals of office. I am sure my noble Friend late President of the Republic, and which opposite will say the same thing at the was connected with the title it was an- time he filled my place. I have found nonounced he meant to take-namely, that thing but fairness and fair play, and in all of Napoleon III. That expression might their transactions nothing but assurances have induced Her Majesty Government, and of good will, and wishes to maintain an unbroken friendship with this country. I y under discussion, it is deemed advisablebelieve the Emperor himself, and the great and, above all, it is deemed advisable on the mass of his people, deeply feel the neces- part of a Minister of the Crown—to abstain sity, for the interests of both countries, that from any comment on the conduct of neighwe should be on a footing of profound bouring Powers in their own affairs, whepeace; and, on the other hand, that they ther it be the conduct of the people or of see the great folly and crime which it their rulers. As to the question which I would be on either side to provoke war. ventured to put, if it is not clear to the They must kvow that a war, as far as it noble Earl, I shall endeavour shortly to would lead to the subjugation of either explain it. The noble Earl is aware that country by the other, is an absurdity, when communications pass between two that neither country, so great, so power- friendly States, they assume different forms ful, and so independent, could in any man--sometimes they are in the form of a desner subjugate the other; and that, there- patch from the Minister or Ambassador of fore, war must be as useless as cruel, and our country residing at the foreign Court as inglorious as useless.

making the communication-sometimes in Viscount CANNING: My Lords, I the form of a note from the Minister or shall not follow the noble Earl in offering Ambassador of that country residing at any comments upon the notification he our Court. Now what I want to know is has made to us a matter on which it ap- in which of these forms, or if in neither pears to me none of your Lordships can in what other form, these assurances have touch too lightly; and I feel convinced been received ? that the sense of the House would con- The Earl of MALMESBURY: I demn any noble Lord who, in following agree with the noble Viscount that it is the noble Earl, should express any opin- advisable to abstain from all comments on ion, or offer any observations of his own, the conduct of foreign States if these comupon this subject. But since the no- ments be disagreeable, or of an unfriendly ble Earl has tendered your Lordships a nature; and certainly I should be the last statement of the transactions which have man to make such comments. It may be arisen out of recent occurrences in France, that I have not been accustomed to adin which he, as a Minister of the Crown, dress your Lordships sufficiently often to has been engaged, and since he has in- be able adequately to express my meaning, formed your Lordships of the result to but I trust I have not said a single word which these transactions have led, I take to excite the slightest disagreeable feelthe liberty of asking the noble Earl to ing, and therefore I don't understand why complete his statement on à point on the noble Viscount should find fault with which I think your Lordships ought to me for having made a comment-for comhave a further and more explicit declara- ment I have made none. I rose with the tion-I mean as to the shape which these most earvest wish to say of France and explanations took which influenced the the French all that France and the French Government to give Her Majesty the ad- would wish to say of themselves. As to vice they have done. The question I wish the question put by the noble Viscount, I to ask my noble Friend, then, is this, have to state that the mode in which the what was the form and shape of those as- communications were made was perfectly surances which the noble Earl received; official, and therefore perfectly satisfactory and will the form of them enable the noble to Her Majesty's Government.

But they Earl either now, or at some future, but could not have been more satisfactory to not distant, time to lay them before Par- me than those which were made to me liament?

verbally by the French Ambassador in The EARL of MALMESBURY: My London, and which have since been reLords, the observations of the noble Vis- peated by the French Emperor in his count resolve themselves into two points. speech to the Chamber; these would have He seems to disapprove of something I been quite sufficient security to me even if have stated as being in bad taste. As to there had been no official declaration. the other, I must say I do not understand the noble Viscount's question.

The MARQUESS of BREADALBANE Viscount CANNING: My Lords, all I

trusted that the change in the Governmeant to imply in the first

ment would make no change in the relaobser

my tions between France and this country. vations was this, that in both Houses of Parliament, when foreign matters are brought House adjourned till To-morrow.

part of

ment.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, (Mr. Hume) presented a petition from Mr.

Grantley Berkeley, a candidate at the late Monday, December 6, 1852. election for West Gloucestershire. That

petition had been read before the ComMinutes.] NEW MEMBERS Sworn.— For Abing- mittee on Public Petitions, and they were

don, Lord Norreys; for Oldham, William John- unanimously of opinion that it was an elecson Fox, esq.; for Durham, Lord Adolphus tion petition. He therefore moved that Frederick Charles William Vane. New Writ.-For Merthyr Tydvil, v. Sir Josiah

the Order of the 2nd of December, that John Guest, bt., deceased.

the petition do lie on the table, be disPublio Bills.—1° General Board of Health ; charged, for the purpose of the petition Land Tax Commissioners Names.

being withdrawn. 3° West India Colonies, &c., Loans Act Amend

MR. HUME said, he wished to know,

before the Order was discharged, whether WESTMINSTER BRIDGE.

a person complaining of an election was to SIR ROBERT H. INGLIS said, he be obliged to prosecute a petition before a wished to put a question to the poble understand how the character of that House

not Lord at the head of the Board of Works.

was to be maintained if any person who Six years ago & Committee of that House

was able to prove that offences of the most unanimously recommended that Westminster Bridge should be pulled down, and that committed at an election, had not some

heinous nature against the law had been a new bridge should be built upon the site. mode of giving such proof without being He desired to inquire-first, what was the ruined by an opposed election petition. present state of the bridge ? Secondly,

He had inquired how far the person in whether it was the intention of Her Majesty's Government to introduce any Bill question was able to prove the allegations this Session for the purpose of enabling a

in this petition, and was informed that that new bridge to be constructed? Thirdly, them, but that he would not enter the

person was perfectly prepared to prove whether the new bridge will be built upon lists to demand justice, opposed as he the same site, or further up the river?

would be by two individuals of great proAnd fourthly, whether it was the intention of the Government to open to competition,

perty. The petitioner stated that the brilimited or otherwise, the design of the new

bery, treating, violence, and intimidation

at the election in question were monstrous, bridge ?

and that every rule and order respecting LORD JOHN MANNERS said, that he elections were there outraged. had applied to Mr. Walker, the engineer MK. FITZSTEPHEN FRENCH begof the bridge, who said that proper persons ged to inquire whether this petition was were appointed to watch it daily. It was

not something of the same nature with almost entirely supported by timber, and that which had been presented respecting he was not aware that there was any more the election for Cork, and which, on the immediate cause of alarm than there was Motion of the hon. and learned Member for in March last. With respect to the other Youghal (Mr. J. Butt), was ordered to be questions, it was the intention of the Go-printed with the Votes? vernment to introduce a measure for the

MR. SPEAKER said, that since the purpose of erecting a new bridge upon the petition referred to by the hon. Member site of the present, and Government had for Roscommon (Mr. F. French) had been not as yet decided whether the design printed, he had read it, and had no doubt should be opened to competition, or that that it was in the nature of an election one should be selected from those already petition, and, having been presented after sent in.

It was the intention to enlarge the time for receiving election petitions, the space of the roadway of the bridge by that petition ought not to have been remeans of lateral additions to the present ceived. bridge, which would be open to the public MR. GRENVILLE BERKELEY said, while the rest of the new bridge was being he could state, upon good authority, that constructed.

the most unqualified contradiction could be

given to the assertions contained in the ELECTION PETITIONS—WEST GLOUCES- petition presented by the hon. Member for TERSHIRE ELECTION.

Montrose. MR. THORNELY said, that on Thurs- Order discharged. day last the hon. Member for Montrose Petition withdrawn.

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