XVIII. 1777. CHAP. Humane British and German officers in Canada were alarmed at the crowds of red men who were ready to take up the hatchet, but only in their own way, foresaw and deplored the effects of their unrestrained and useless cruelty, and from such allies augured no good to the service.1 But the policy of Germain was unexpectedly promoted by the release of La Corne Saint Luc, who came in advance to meet his wishes. This most ruthless of partisans was now in his sixty-sixth year, but full of vigor and animal spirits, and only more passionate and relentless from age. He had vowed eternal vengeance on "the beggars" who had kept him captive. He stood ready to pledge his life and his honor, that, within sixty days of his landing at Quebec, he would lead the Indians to the neighborhood of Albany. His words were: "We must let loose the savages upon the frontiers of these scoundrels, to inspire terror, and to make them submit;" and his promises, faithfully reported to Germain, won favor to the leader who above all others was notorious for brutal inhumanity." Relying on his Indian mercenaries to spread such terror by their raids as to break up the communications between Albany and Lake George, the secretary, in concert with Burgoyne, drew out in fullest particularity the plan of the northern campaign. They both refused to admit the possibility of any insurmountable obstacle to the triumphant march of the army from Canada to Albany and New York. To put success beyond all doubt, Saint Leger was 1 Riedesel's MS. journal, written for the duke of Brunswick. 2 Governor Tryon to Secretary Germain, 9 April, 1777. MS. XVIII. selected by the king to conduct an expedition by CHAP. way of Lake Ontario for the capture of Fort Stan- 1777. wix and the Mohawk valley; the regular troops that were to form his command were precisely specified, and orders were given for the thousand savages who were to serve with him to rally at Niagara. Such were the preparations of which Germain spoke with assurance to the house of commons as sufficient to finish the war in the approaching campaign. When he heard of the disasters at Trenton and Princeton, and the evacuation of New Jersey, he wisely concluded that Howe ought to be removed, designing to intrust the army in Canada to Sir Henry Clinton, and the chief command in New York to Burgoyne, who was seeking his "patronage and friendship" by assurances of "a solid respect and sincere personal attachment." But the king withheld his consent; Howe was therefore left to conduct his part of the campaign according to his own suggestions; and Burgoyne, with a full knowledge of what was expected of him, ardently undertook the expedition from Canada. As war measures, parliament in February authorized the grant of letters of permission to private ships to make prizes of American vessels; and by an act which described American privateersmen as pirates, it suspended the writ of habeas corpus with regard to prisoners taken on the high seas. The congress of the United States had neither credit, nor power to tax; it vainly proposed a lottery, and sought a loan in Europe; and after all it fell back upon issues of more paper money: XVIII. 1777. CHAP. Lord North had for his supplies new taxes, new exchequer bills, a profitable lottery, new excise duties, a floating debt of five millions sterling, and a loan of five millions more. The timid feared the swift coming of national bankruptcy; but the resources of England grew faster than the most hopeful anticipated; and while the rising influence of the people saved her liberties, the labors, inventions, and discoveries of plebeian genius, of Wedgwood, Watt, Arkwright, Harrison, Brindley, restored and increased her wealth faster than her aristocratic government could waste it away. Public opinion still supported the government, under the hope of a speedy end of the war. The clergy were foremost in zeal; in a sermon before the Society for propagating the Gospel, Markham, the archbishop of York, not doubting the conquest of the colonies, recommended a reconstruction of their governments on the principle of complete subordination to Great Britain. Some voices in England pleaded for the Americans. The war with them, so wrote Edmund Burke to the sheriffs of Bristol, is "fruitless, hopeless, and unnatural;" and the Earl of Abingdon added, "on the part of Great Britain, cruel and unjust." "Our force," replied Fox to Lord North, "is not equal to conquest, and America cannot be brought over by fair means while we insist on taxing her." Burke harbored a wish to cross the channel and seek an interview with Franklin; but the friends of Rockingham disapproved the idea. Near the end of April, Hartley went to Paris as an informal agent, to speak with Frank "We are XVIII. 1777. lin of peace and reunion; and received for answer, CHAP. that England could never conciliate the Americans but by conceding their independence. the aggressors," said Chatham, on the thirtieth of May, in the house of lords; "instead of exacting unconditional submission from the colonies, we ought to grant them unconditional redress. Now is the crisis, before France is a party. Whenever France or Spain enter into a treaty of any sort with America, Great Britain must immediately declare war against them, even if we have but five ships of the line in our ports; and such a treaty must and will shortly take place, if pacification be delayed." This advice of Chatham was rejected by the vote of nearly four fifths of the house. But with all her resources, England labored under insuperable disadvantages. She had involved herself in the contest by a violation of the essential principle of English liberty; and her chief minister wronged his own convictions in continuing the war. It began, moreover, to be apparent, that France would join in the struggle, if it should extend beyond one more campaign. NOTE. The wishes of the king and Lord George Germain for the employment of Indians were not approved by General Carleton or General Howe or Riedesel, or by Stuart, the Indian agent for the southern department; from Major-General William Tryon, late governor of North Carolina and of New York, they met with a hearty response, as appears from the following letter, which is printed, as nearly as possible, just as it was written, without change either in the French or the English of its author. CHAP. Private New York 9 Apl. 1777 MY LORD, exchanged 1777. I have had many conversations with Mons. La Corne St. Luc, lately released from his Captivity with the Rebels. We agree perfectly in sentiments respecting the propriety & importance of employing the Indians. He is anxious to take the command of as many Canadians & Indians, as Sr Guy Carleton will entrust him with & will pledge his life & honor that he will raise them & be in the environs of Albany in sixty days after he lands at Quebec, for which Port he sails with other Canadian Gentlemen the first fair wind. His expressions were emphatical. "Il faut, dit il, lacher les sauvages sur les frontieres de ces Canals, pour imposer des terreurs, et pour les faire soumetre, au pied de la Throne "de sa Majesté Britannic. Il faut absolument mettre tous dehors, pour “finir la Guerre cet Été. Les Rebels commence a se guerrier, et si la guerre continue plus long tems que cett' année, il sera tres facheuse pour toute L'Empire. Pour soi-même il m'a assuré, qu'il ne voudroit "jamais, jamais, (jusqu'a ce que son ame Bat dans sons Corps, et le Sang "coule dans ses Veines,) oublier les injures, et les Insults qu'il a recue "de ces gueux These were his expressions; and though in the sixty sixth year of his age is in the vigour of health & animal spirits. 66 " A Pension or Salary of 500 pr ann. with some Distinction among the savages to La Corne St Luc would I am persuaded be productive of the best consequences to Govt at this Period Sr Wm Johnson was not an abler Partizan than St Luc for Indian services. I am respectfully Your Lordship's faithfull & obat humle Sert LD GEO. GERMAIN received 8 May 1777 |