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CHAPTER II.

CECONOMICAL REFORM.

IN the course of the American war, the rapid and continual increase of the national debt had excited a very just alarm at the magnitude of the contest in which the country was engaged,-at the prodigious expense with which that contest was attended,-and at the proofs which every day appeared of prodigality, corruption, and a shameful waste of the public money. Early in the year 1780, popular meetings were convened in most of the principal towns and counties all over the kingdom; and petitions to parliament were drawn up, agreed to, and presented, all of them praying for a correction of abuses in the public expenditure, and many of them extending to a reform in the commons house of parliament. It was upon this occasion that Mr. BURKE brought forward his famous plan, confining himself to what he called the omnipotence of œconomy; its power to bind up and close the bleeding arteries of profusion, and to invigorate the natural constitution of the state, by reducing the fatal and overgrown influence of the crown. As some steps towards the attainment of so desirable an end, he moved for leave to bring in certain bills for the better regulation of his Majesty's civil establishments; for the sale of forest and other crown lands; and for more profitably uniting to the crown the principality of Wales, the counties palatine of Chester and Lancaster, and the duchy of Cornwall. The powers of Mr. BURKE's genius and fancy were never, perhaps, more fully displayed than in the embellishment of so unpromising a subject. The necessary minuteness of detail, the

multiplicity of local circumstances and personal considerations, on which the whole plan was founded, were enlivened by sportive sallies, and set off with all the charms of eloquence, all the beauties of poetical description. Mr. DUNNING said, "that it must remain as a monument, to be handed down to posterity, of the uncommon zeal, unrivalled industry, astonishing abilities, and invincible perseverance of the honorable gentleman. He had undertaken a task big with labor and difficulty; a task that embraced a variety of the most important objects, extensive and complicated: yet such were the eminent and unequalled abilities, so extraordinary the talents and ingenuity, and such the fortunate frame of the honorable gentleman's mind, his vast capacity and happy conception, that in his hands, what must have proved a vast heap of ponderous matter, composed of heterogenious ingredients, discordant in their nature, and opposite in principle, was so skilfully arranged as to become quite simple as to each respective part, dependent on each other: and the whole at the same time so judiciously combined, as to present nothing to almost any mind, tolerably intelligent, to divide, puzzle, or distract it."

The opening of Mr. BURKE's speech was well calculated to excite the most serious attention. "I rise,” said he, "in acquittal of my engagement to the house, in obedience to the strong and just requisition of my constituents, and, I am persuaded, in conformity to the unanimous wishes of the whole nation, to submit to the wisdom of Parliament, a plan of reform in the constitution of several parts of the public economy. I have endeavoured that this plan should include in its execution, a considerable reduction of important expense; that it should effect a conversion of unprofitable titles into a productive estate; that it should lead to, and indeed almost compel, a provident administration of such sums of public money as must remain under discretionary trusts; that it should render

the debts on the civil establishment (which must ultimately affect national strength, and national credit) so very difficult as to become next to impracticable. But what, I confess, was uppermost with me, what I bent the whole force of my mind to, was the reduction of that corrupt influence, which is itself the perennial spring of all prodigality and of all disorder; which loads us more than millions of debt; which takes away vigor from our arms, wisdom from our councils, and every shadow of authority and credit from the most venerable parts of our constitution."

After some remarks on the ungraciousness of every attempt at reform, he enters upon this task with tremor and delicacy, but with a strong conviction also, that an early dereliction of abuse is the direct interest of government. "Early reformation," said he, " are amicable arrangements with a friend in power; late reformations are terms imposed upon a conquered enemy: early reformations are made in cold blood; late reformations are made under a state of inflammation. In that state of things, the people behold in government nothing that is respectable. They see the abuse, and they will see nothing else they fall into the temper of a furious populace provoked at the disorder of a house of ill fame: they never attempt to correct or regulate: they go to work by the shortest way-they abate the nuisance— they pull down the house." But, he very judiciously adds, "that, as it is the interest of government that reformation should be early, it is the interest of the people that it should be temperate; because a temperate reform is manent-it has a principle of growth, and leaves room for farther improvement."

In his proposed plan of reform, he therefore kept those two ends in view, that it should have both an early and a temperate operation;-that it should be substantial;that it should be systematic ;-that it should rather strike

at the first cause of prodigality and corrupt influence, than attempt to follow them in all their effects. "If," said he, "we do not go to the very origin and first ruling cause of grievances, we do nothing. What does it signify to turn abuses out of one door, if we are to let them in at another? What does it signify to promote œconomy upon a measure, and to suffer it to be subverted in the principle? Our ministers are far from being wholly to blame for the present ill order which prevails. Whilst institutions directly repugnant to good management are suffered to remain, no effectual or lasting reform can be introduced."

Being resolved not to proceed in an arbitrary manner to change the settled state of things, but quietly to remove whatever stood in the way of economy, he began with taking a comprehensive view of the state of the country,

-a sort of survey of its jurisdictions, its estates, its establishments; and then pointed out the various objects of correction or regulation, all reduced to one or other of the following principles or fundamental rules, by which the great work of reform was to be accomplished:

First, All jurisdictions which furnish more matter of expense, more temptation to oppression, or more means and instruments of corrupt influence, than advantage to justice or political administration, ought to be abo

lished.

Secondly, All public estates, which are more subservient to the purposes of vexing, over-awing, and influencing those who hold under them, and to the expense of perception and management, than of benefit to the revenue, ought, upon every principle, both of revenue and of freedom, to be disposed of.

Thirdly, All offices, which bring more charge than proportional advantage to the state; all offices which may be engrafted on others, uniting and simplifying their duties,

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ought in the first case to be taken away; and in the second, to be consolidated.

Fourthly, All such offices ought to be abolished as obstruct the prospect of the general superintendant of finance; which destroy his superintendancy; which disable him from foreseeing and providing for charges as they may occur; from preventing expense in its origin, checking it in its progress, or securing its application to its proper purposes. A minister under whom expenses can be made without his knowledge, can never say what it is that he can spend, or what it is that he can

save.

Fifthly, It is proper to establish an invariable order in all payments; which will prevent partiality; which will give preference to services, not according to the importunity of the demandant, but the rank and order of their utility or their justice.

Sixthly, It is right to reduce every establishment, and every part of an establishment (as nearly as possible) to certainty, the life of all good order and good manage

ment.

Seventhly, All subordinate treasuries, as the nurseries of mismanagement, and as naturally drawing to themselves as much money as they can, keeping it as long as they can, and accounting for it as late as they can, ought to be dissolved. They have a tendency to perplex and distract the public accounts, and to excite a suspicion of government even beyond the extent of their abuse.

Under the authority and with the guidance of those principles, Mr. BURKE proceeded to the various objects of his proposed reform; and began with observing, that whoever took a view of the kingdom in a cursory manner, would imagine that he beheld a solid, compacted, uniform system of monarchy. But on examining it more -nearly, you find much eccentricity and confusion. It is not a monarchy in strictness; but, as in the Saxon

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