THE CONTENT S. Letter I. Of the general Principles of the French Rec volution page 1 Letter II. Of fome Particulars in the new Conftitution of France, and fome Circumstances attending the Diffolution of the old one Letter III. Of the Nature of Government, and the Rights of Men and of Kings 22 34 Letter IV. Of the Revolution in England, compared with that in France Letter V. Of the Revolution Society in England, and Mr. Burke's Reflexions on Dr. Price Letter VI. Of the Interference of the State in Matters of Religion in general Letter VII. Of the Source of the Refpect that is paid 43 49 65 to Religion Letter VIII. Of a civil Establishment being effential to Christianity 79 Letter IX. Of the Ufes of civil Establishments of Religion 86 Letter Letter X. Of an Elective Clergy Letter XI. Of Monaftic Inftitutions, and Mr. Burke's LETTERS TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE EDMUND BURKE. LETTER I. Of the general Principles of the French Revolution. I DEAR SIR, Do not wonder that the late revolution in the French government has excited your attention, and that of a great part of the nation. " It is," as you justly say, p. 11, "all circumstances taken "together, the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world." It is, therefore, a most interesting object bath to philofophical and practical politicians. It behoves them particularly to confider the principles on which it has been made, that if the conduct of the leaders in the business has been right, and if the scheme promises to be beneficial to the country, it may, as far as their fituations are fimilar, be imitated in other countries; and that, if their conduct has been wrong, and the refult of it unpromifing, the example may serve to deter others from any attempt of the like kind. But though there is nothing extraordinary in this revolution having excited fo much of your attention, I am furprised that you should be fo much alarmed and disturbed at it. You appear to me not to be fufficiently cool to enter into this ferious difcuffion. Your imagination is evidently heated, and your ideas confufed. The objects before you do not appear in their proper fhapes and colours; and, without denying them, you lofe fight of the great and the leading principles, on which all juft governments are founded, principles which I imagined had been long fettled, and univerfally affented to, at least by all who are denominated whigs, the friends of our own revolution, and of that which has lately taken place in America. To this clafs of politicians, you, Sir, have hitherto profeffed to belong, and traces of thefe principles may be perceived in this work of yours. Notwithstanding" the facrednefs," as you call it, p. 29, "of an hereditary principle of fucceffion," in our government, you allow of " a power of "change in its application in cases of extreme emergency" adding, however, that "the change "fhould * fhould be confined to the peccant part only." Nor do you deny that the great end and object of all government, that which makes it preferable to a state of anarchy, is the good of the people. It is better for them, and they are happier in a state of fociety and government. For the same reason, you must allow that that particular form of government, which is beft adapted to promote the happiness of any people, is the best for that people. If you admit thus much, you must also allow that, fince every private perfon is juftified in bettering his condition, and indeed commended for it; a nation is not to be condemned for endeavouring to better theirs. Confequently, if they find their form of government to be a bad one, whether it was fo originally, or became so through abuse or accident, they will do very well to change it for a better. A partial change, no doubt, will be preferable to a total one, if a partial change will be fufficient for the purpose. But if it appear that all attempts to mend an old conftitution would be in vain, and the people prefer a new one, their neighbours have no more business to find fault with them, than with any individual, who should think it more adviseable to pull down an old and inconvenient house, and build another from the foundation, rather than lay out his money in repairs. Nations, no doubt, as well as individuals, may judge wrong. They may act precipitately, B 2 |