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and that Cracow formed a centre whence the spirit of revolt endeavoured to undermine the basis of the internal tranquillity of the neighbouring states; inasmuch as that subsequently Cracow was evidently too feeble to resist the continual intrigues of the Polish emigants who hold that city in moral slavery, so that it offers to the Powers no further guarantee against the return of the attempts at revolution frequently renewed; but inasmuch as enterprises of this nature are an evident violation of the treaty of the 3rd of May, 1815, as well as of the 2nd article of the constitutional statutes, framed for the free city of Cracow, the 30th of May, 1833; inasmuch as the conventions above mentioned, relating to Cracow, between the three Powers, have only been repeated in the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th articles of the general Act of the Congress of Vienna, of the 9th of June, 1815, in order that this Act should embrace the different results of the arrangements concluded during the private negotiations between the Cabinets; inasmuch as that, consequently, if the three Governments at present

change with respect to Cracow, an order of things upon which they vo luntarily agreed in the year 1815, they merely exercise an undoubted right; inasmuch as in consequence of all that precedes, and having taken into serious consideration the security of their States, so frequently menaced by the free city of Cracow, the three Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia have agreed on the following resolutions:-1. The three above stated Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, revoking the articles of the treaties relating to the city of Cracow concluded, the one between His Majesty the Emperor of Russia and the Emperor of Austria, and the other between the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia, and signed the 3rd of May, 1815, in the same manner the additional treaty between Austria, Prussia, and Russia, of the same day, is revoked and suppressed. 2. The city of Cracow and its territory are, in consequence, restored to Austria, and reunited to the Austrian monarchy, to be held in possession by his Imperial, Royal, and Apostolic Majesty, as before the year 1809."

CHAPTER XII.

UNITED STATES.-Discussion in the Senate on the different Propositions brought forward on the Oregon Question-Speeches of Messrs. Hannegan, Colquitt, and Dix-Effect of the Queen's Speech upon the Debates in Congress-Speeches of Messrs. Dayton, Allan, and CassJoint Resolution moved by Mr. Colquitt-Speeches of Mr. Webster and Mr. Crittenden-Resolutions passed by the House of Representatives for putting an end to the Joint Occupation of Oregon-Substituted Resolution moved in the Senate by Mr. Johnson and adoptedSpecial Message by the President to the Senate-Speeches of Mr. Heywood, Mr. Hannegan, and Mr. Calhoun, in the Senate, on the Oregon Question-Resolution moved in the Senate by Mr. ClaytonSpeeches of Mr. Webster, General Cass, Mr. Benton, and Mr. Hannegan-Resolution passed by the Senate relative to the Notice to be given by the President-Amendments carried in the House of Representatives-Conference between Committees of the two Houses-Resolution finally agreed to and adopted by Congress-Ratified by the President-Bill providing for Occupation of Oregon TerritoryMessage from the President relative to Differences with MexicoProclamation of War against Mexico-Amicable Compromise on the Oregon Question offered by Lord Aberdeen-Accepted by the Senate and President-Articles of the Oregon Treaty-New Tariff BillAppointment of Mr. Bancroft as Minister to Great Britain.

WE

TE were correct in our confifident anticipation that, however serious might be the difficulties in the way of an amicable adjustment of our differences with the American Government, on the subject of the Oregon Territory, they would not involve the two countries in the calamity of war. This year has witnessed the peaceful triumph of diplomacy; and the dark cloud which hung over our relations with the United States has been entirely removed by a

judicious compromise of the question at issue-promptly offered by the English Government on the first practicable opportunity, and as readily accepted by the Senate and President of the United States. In consequence of the happy termination of the dispute, the discussions which took place on the subject in the American Congress have lost much of their interest; but as the Oregon question was the absorbing topic of debate during the greater part of the

Session, and it is right that the views and sentiments of the leading statesmen in the United States, upon a subject which seemed so likely to bring their country into hostile collision with Great Britain, should be known and understood here, we propose to give an account of some of the more important propositions that were brought forward, and an outline of some of the principal speeches which were delivered in Congress with reference to it.

In our last volume we mentioned the variety of resolutions which were submitted to the House of Representatives on the question of Oregon. In the Senate, also, many were proposed of a similar character, and we shall briefly allude to the discussion which took place there in February.

Mr. Hannegan considered that it was right to elect from among the different propositions before the Senate, upon this subject, those to which he would address himself, and accordingly had chosen to speak to a series of resolutions introduced by himself, which had been met by counter resolves from the senator from South Carolina. Mr. Hannegan then stated the substance of his own propositions, and read those of Mr. Calhoun. It would be observed, he said, that the senator from South Carolina constantly used the word "claims,' while he (Mr. Hannegan) as uniformly spoke of" title." England put forth claims to Oregon, but she set up no title, and she had never succeeded in showing any title to one single foot of soil in Oregon. They, on the other hand, had made out as clear a title as ever was made out to soil and freehold by any nation on earth, or as could be made out by any member of the

Senate to the plantation whereon he had his dwelling. In corroboration of these views, he went fully into the question of title. He had been accused of assailing the President; but who, he asked (after reading a portion of the Message), more nearly supported the President-the senator from South Carolina, who went for all Mr. Polk had done which was in the grave, or he (Mr. Hannegan) who went for all he had done which still lived? Mr. Hannegan proceeded at much length to dilate upon the value of the Oregon Territory, and the high and solemn duty this country owed to itself and posterity to preserve the entire region; and he insisted that it must and would be secured; that those who opposed the efforts to that end, were engaged in the labour of Sisyphus.

Mr. Colquitt then addressed the Senate. He had no knowledge, he said, of the President's views in reference to this subject beyond what had been laid before the public; but he approved of all which had been done, and meant to sustain the President, relying upon his wisdom, integrity, and firmness. He was unwilling, however, that the adversaries of the President should assert, or his friends insinuate, that Mr. Polk was secretly endeavouring to provoke war, when all his public communications breathed peace. was unwilling that the President should be committed to a particular line of conduct by those who professed to be his mouthpieces and to be in his especial confidence. He had not been wafted to his present high position upon the sighs and tears of widows and orphans, that necessity required him to finish his career amidst

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blood and carnage. With him (Mr. Colquitt) the question was whether the territory in question was of more or less value, but was our title to it of that character which would make a surrender of any portion of it, in the way of compromise, disgraceful? He contended that it was not. When the President spoke of the title as elear and indisputable, he meant no more than to express a strong conviction of its validity, and such was his own opinion; but there were conflicting claims, and notwithstanding the studied effort to make the people believe that there was no possible dispute of our right up to and beyond the 54th degree, and that they were the only patriots who went for " every inch of Oregon, he was disposed to consider these conflicting claims, and bring them to the knowledge of the people. Mr. Colquitt then went into a detailed examination of title, and concluded that there were such conflicting claims as made negotiation and compromise just and politic. He alluded to the swagger of some who were anxious for a fight, as being as disgusting as the same disposition manifested in schoolboys. As a man, a Christian, and a statesman, he could join in no such game as this. He was for giving the notice, and liked the preamble of the senator from Kentucky, but not altogether the form of his resolution. He would, if no one anticipated him, make an additional resolution, at the proper time, in favour of negotiation and a speedy settlement of the controversy.

Mr. Dix said that he differed in toto from both the senator from Ohio (Mr. Allen) and the senator from Delaware (Mr. J. M. Clayton), who first spoke on this subject.

Each of them declined to discuss the matter of title, the former because it was too late, and the latter because it was not yet time. In his view it was the very point which most merited attention, and upon which, both at home and abroad, the grossest misapprehensions prevailed. He designed to examine it, and should avoid, as far as possible, addressing a single word to passion or prejudice. Mr. Dix then entered upon a minute historical investigation, which showed much industry and research. After disposing of the question of title, he said that he should vote for the notice, and also for a Bill to extend our jurisdiction, but excepting British subjects from the same, and providing for their surrender by our courts to the nearest British authority. These were measures which he thought Great Britain could not reasonably object to, for she had led the way in carrying her laws there, in violation, as he thought, of the convention. As to war, he did not apprehend it, and thought, on the contrary, that the good sense of the citizens of both countries would revolt at the idea of a contest from which neither could derive any good. If, however, from events not now foreseen, a war should come, he hoped they would not be guilty of the gross folly of underrating the strength of our adversary. He trusted and believed that the whole difference would be amicably adjusted.

Mr. Benton next addressed the Senate. He began by paying a merited compliment to Mr. Dix for his luminous exposition of the title which, he said, had he himself designed to discuss it, would have been sufficient to deter him, as it left nothing to be added. He concurred with the President in all

his actions upon this subject, and from a careful consideration of it, he was satisfied that Great Britain had no right to complain. In respect to the offer of the President to compromise, it had his cordial concurrence, and he believed that it had had a good effect both at home and abroad. It had served to quiet the feelings of Great Britain on the score of the inaugural address, and at home it had a good effect by showing our people that the Government were prepared to make great sacrifices to preserve peace; we are now united, happen what may. He concurred also in the rejection of arbitration. Small matters might be thus settled, but not a question of territory, embracing rivers and harbours, and domain enough for a kingdom. He concurred fully with the President, both in what he had offered and what he had refused. The fatal error they had committed was in the convention, by which they let the British in there, and this convention he had opposed almost "solitary and alone.

When they were restored to their rights there, after the war, it was admitted by Lord Castlereagh (and the admission should not be forgotten there or in Great Britain) that they were the party who had a right to possession while the title was discussed. British law came in with the convention, and ought to go out with it; for it was, as the senator from New York (Mr. Dix) said, a great abuse. For thirty years they had negotiated, and made no advance, but they had now reached a point where we must act-act for the preservation of peace. The Governments of the two countries must separate their people. Even the patriarchs

could not live thus, and they owed it to humanity to move speedily in the matter. The notice was not only a peaceful measure, but the first step in an indispensable series of measures for preserving peace. The present he regarded as a most auspicious period for settling the matter. The two Governments were at peace, and good understanding prevailed between them. No collision had yet occurred between the parties in possession, no blood had been shed, no point of honour was involved, and nothing had been done to arouse angry feeling. He should vote for the notice as an amicable measure, for such he regarded it, but come what might come, he should vote for it.

When the Royal Speech, delivered at the opening of the British Parliament, arrived in America, its allusion to the question at issue between the two countries became immediately the subject of criticism in Congress. On the 25th of February, in the Senate, Mr. Dayton moved that the further discussion of the subject be postponed for a fortnight. IIe did not think that any good could come from a discussion at this time. The character of the late intelligence had impressed him as very amicable, and it was proper to meet it in the same spirit. They could not, in a better manner, meet that amicable disposition than by showing that they were in no hot haste.

Mr. Allan said: In regard to the pacific news of which we had heard so much men might well differ in opinion. He had seen nothing in the language of Ministers or in that of the press, which afforded any evidence of a change in the designs of England. The

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