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till the 1st of February, 1849, the following duties should be levied on all wheat imported into this country from foreign ports. Whenever the average price of wheat should be under 48s. a quarter in this country, the duty should be 10s. a quarter; that above 48s. and under 49s., it should be 9s. a quarter; that above 49s. and under 50s., it should be 8s. a quarter; and so on till the price reached 54s. a quarter, when he intended to impose an invariable duty of 4s. a quarter. The enactments which he proposed for all other descriptions of grain would follow the scale of duties upon wheat; but he referred the House for the details of them to certain papers which he would have printed to lay before them. There would, therefore, be levied on wheat at its present price a duty of 4s., instead of the present duty of 16s. a quarter; and every other grain taken out of bond for consumption in the home market would be liable to little more than a nominal duty. Such was the arrangement for the adjustment of this great question which Her Majesty's Government now offered to the House. He in

tended to accompany that arrangement with other provisions, calculated, he would not say to give compensation to, but to advance the interest of that portion of the community which would be called upon to relinquish protection, with which he was himself more particularly connected, and in the welfare of which the prosperity of England was deeply involved. He then reviewed some of the burdens which fell on the land, and which he thought capable of alleviation by useful reforms, and not by transferring them to other parties. First among these burdens he placed the highway rates. They were at pre

sent administered by 16,000 local authorities distributed throughout the country. Nothing could be more defective than that a highway which united several distinct parishes should not be under the control of one board, but should be under the control of every distinct parish through which it ran. In each parish there was a different surveyor of the high roads. The system led of necessity to a lax expenditure, and to very bad reparation of the roads. He proposed to compel parishes to unite themselves into districts for the repair of the roads. Those districts would be generally the same with the Poor Law unions, and thus the high roads would be under the control of 600 instead of 16,000 different authorities. Another of the burdens grievously, and he thought justly complained of by the agricultural interest, arose out of the law of settlement. Under that law, during manufacturing prosperity, the rural population was encouraged to migrate to the manufacturing towns. The peasant thus migrating consumed the prime of his life, and gave all the advantage of his strength to the manufacturers. A revulsion took place in trade, and manufactures ceased to prosper. The individual was

then sent back to the rural district, and was thus transferred to a new home, where he is unable to obtain a livelihood, from being unused to rural employments. For the purpose of not merely relieving the land from a burden, but of also protecting an indigent man from injustice, Government intended to propose that the power of removability should be taken away in the case of every labouring man who had had a five years' industrial residence in any manufacturing town,

He likewise proposed that the children of any person, or the children of his wife, legitimate or illegitimate, under sixteen, residing with the father or mother, and the wife of any person, should not be removed where the removal of the person himself was prohibited. Further, he proposed that no widow residing with her husband at the time of his death should be removable for twelve months after his death from the parish in which he resided at the time; and, lastly, that no order of removal should be taken out on the ground of chargebility shown to have been occasioned by accident or sickness, unless the removing magistrates should be satisfied that the effects of the accident or sickness are such as to be permanent and incurable. Here, again, by alteration of the law a great social advantage would be obtained, and the agricultural interest would be relieved from a great burden. He then approached another matter, in which he proposed, without any loss to any other interest, a great advantage to the agricultural interest. There was a natural dread in that interest of a very formidable competition on the cessation of its present protection. It was impossible to deny that agricultural science was yet in its infancy; and he, therefore, proposed that the State should give facilities to the improvement of agricultural skill and industry. The Duke of Richmond had collected a mass of interesting evidence to show the great capability of improvement which was inherent to all kinds of land. benefit might be effected by increased draining. Mr. Pusey had proposed several schemes for the improvement of land; but great difficulties occurred, especially VOL. LXXXVIII.

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among the owners of entailed estates, in raising the funds to carry them into execution. Government proposed that the credit of the State should be employed in enabling those improvements to be made. An advance of Exchequer Bills should be made by way of loan for the purpose of agricultural improvement, security being of course taken to protect the country against loss. The right hon. baronet, after describing at some length the mode in which these advances were to be made and repaid, concluded by stating that that was another plan by which he hoped to enable the agricultural interest to meet competition with the foreign grower. With respect to the local burdens pressing on the agriculturist, he must declare at once that he could not advise any alteration in the mode of the assessment of the poor-rates. It had been said that they were a charge upon the land, and that there should be an alteration in the mode of the levy. point of fact they were not a charge upon the land. The opposition was between real and personal property. It was real property upon which the poor-rate was levied, as on mines, houses, lands and manufactories. If the poor-rates were a charge for general objects, it would be just to make personal property contribute; but they were a local charge, and personal property could not be called on for contribution without establishing an inquisition into every man's affairs, which, for the minute objects of a poor-rate raised to relieve local distress, would not be tolerated. The rate on personal property had been abandoned because it could not be levied; and therefore he was not [D]

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prepared to propose any alteration in the mode of assessment. He would, however, relieve the agricultural interest of the charge of maintaining prisoners in the county gaols, and would provide for that charge by an annual vote of that House. He also proposed that that portion of the charge for prosecuting felons which was now defrayed in England and Wales out of local rates imposed upon the land, should be transferred to the State. The relief in point of money would not be large; but if it enabled you to exercise an increased control over prosecutions, it would be a great social advantage. In Ireland, the relief would amount to 17,000l., and in England, to 100,000l. a year. He then proceeded to contend, that if there was any part of the United Kingdom likely to suffer from the withdrawal of protection, it was Ireland for Ireland had not, as England had, the means of finding employment for her agricultural population in her manufacturing districts. Here, again, he would propose no relief from local burdens which was not accompanied by social advantages. In Ireland, the police was paid partly by the land, and partly by the Treasury. He believed that it would be for the general advantage to place the police entirely under the Treasury, and to vest the control of it in the Executive Government. Such was the recommendation of Lord Devon's Commission; and he, therefore, proposed that all the charge for the rural police in Ireland should thereafter be borne by the public Treasury. Sir Robert then adverted to the subject of the medical relief of the poor in this country. He believed that there was no part of the Poor Law which

had given greater or more just dissatisfaction. He proposed to relieve the unions of half of the charge on this score by taking it upon the Government. He estimated that the amount of charge in that case would be 100,000l. for England, and 15,000l. for Scotland. The subject of medical relief in Ireland was under a different system, and would shortly occupy the attention of the other House of Parliament. He next proceeded to intimate his belief, that in the parish workhouses of England the provision for purposes of education was very inadequate. He did not purpose in any way to interfere with the right now vested in the board of guardians to appoint a schoolmaster or schoolmistress to superintend the education of the pauper children; that right of appointment would remain where it now was; but Government, in undertaking to provide 30,000l. a year for the salaries of schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, for the children of the destitute, would reserve to itself power to inquire into the qualifications of those instructors, and a power of inspecting, and, to a certain extent, controlling the schools. Then, again, as to the auditors of the unions: he proposed that their salaries, like those of the Commissioners and Sub-Commissioners, should be defrayed at the public expense.

He called upon the House to recollect that in every compensation which he had proposed for the land, he had also proposed to give to the community great social relief. He therefore hoped that, before this law was rejected, both parties, if their immediate views were not accomplished by it, would recollect that it proposed great benefits for society at large.

Whether those benefits would be sufficient to induce both parties to give their assent to his proposition, he could not as yet tell; but he wished them to consider it calmly and temperately, and to reflect upon the consequences which might accrue from its rejection. He concluded with two observations; one connected with our foreign and our commercial policy, and another connected with our domestic policy. In making these great reductions on the importation of articles, the produce or manufacture of foreign countries, he could give the House no guarantee that foreign countries would follow our example. He had resolved to consult our own interests alone, and not to punish other countries and ourselves by continuing high duties, and the necessary concomitant of high duties-smuggling. He could not promise them that foreign countries would exhibit any gratitude for what they were now doing. On the contrary, he might be told that many countries which had benefited by the relaxation of our duties on their commodities had applied a higher rate of duties to our goods. He relied on that fact as an encouragement to proceed in our past course. What had been the result of those increased duties on our export trade? Why, that it had flourished in spite of them, because the smuggler of foreign countries had been called in by the inhabitants to our aid.

He was convinced that our example would ultimately be followed by foreign countries, and that reason and the common interest of the people and the Government in those countries would induce a relaxation of hostile tariffs. He illustrated this by reference to recent publications in the United States, Naples, Nor

over.

way, Sweden, Austria, and HanWith respect to our domestic policy, he had been asked why he had determined to disturb the prosperity which had now lasted for nearly three years. "It had coexisted with the Corn Laws of 1842-what reason was there to disturb it?" His answer was, that up to October last all those indications of prosperity did exist; but since that time there had been indications of sympathy in the manufacturing districts between employment and the price of provisions. What had occurred since October, 1845, was one of the grounds on which he had determined to bring forward his present proposition. Such were the proposals he had to offer for the ultimate adjustment of this great question. He believed that there was at present between the master manufacturers and the operatives, a sympathy which did not prevail in 1842, and which led both of them to the conclusion, that these laws ought to be altered. But although that was the case, there was nothing but general content, loyalty, and confidence on their part in the wisdom of the Legislature. But because there was a calm, and no coercion, he entreated hon. members to bear in mind that the aspect of affairs might be changed. They might have worse harvests, and therefore they ought to avail themselves of an adjustment of this question, which must ultimately be made, and which could not long be delayed without endangering the peace and security of the empire. He recommended his proposition to the calm consideration of the House, in the hope that it would, in the language of Her Majesty's Speech, "promote friendly feelings between different classes,

provide additional security for the continuance of peace, and maintain contentment and happiness at home by increasing the comforts and bettering the condition of the great body of the people." Sir R. Peel concluded his address amid loud cheers.

He shortly afterwards rose again to suggest that the discussion on his resolution should be taken on that day week. His measure involved a great remission of taxation, and, therefore, a defalcation of the revenue. Besides, it incurred an annual charge amounting at least to 600,0007.

Mr. Stafford O'Brien, Mr. Miles, and other members, then urged upon Sir Robert Peel the expediency of allowing a longer time than he had proposed to give for the consideration of the measures now offered, before the discussion was resumed. Sir Robert Peel assented to the suggestion; but, at the same time, stated that he should then ask the House to proceed de die in diem with the consideration of them. In answer to certain questions addressed to him, he stated that he could not exactly calculate the probable effect upon the revenue from the adoption of his propositions. He thought that by the alteration of the Excise duties he should lose one million, but the revenue from that source was now as good as it had been before the recent alterations. IIe had expected to lose four millions by the former reductions of the Customs' duties, but nothing of that sort had occurred. He was, therefore, unwilling now to estimate the loss which would accrue to the existing revenue. The charge which his scheme would impose on the Consolidated Fund would be an additional charge of 513,0007.

A desultory discussion ensued; some members asking additional information, some expressing hostile opinions, others promising support. Mr. Newdegate inquired if Sir Robert Peel had formed any estimate of the price wheat would bear after his measure came into operation. Sir Robert Peel replied in the negative. Lord Ingestre desired to know what provision had been made for the regulation of the tithe averages. Sir Robert Peel answered, that it was not necessary to determine that question at the present time. In answer to further questions on the same subject, from Lord G. Bentinck, he answered that he did not propose any alterations with regard to the tithe laws, not anticipating any material change in the price of wheat. there should be, the House ought in justice to reconsider the subject. Mr. Wodehouse inquired if it was intended to submit to the House any of the communications which had been received from some of the crowned heads of Europe. Sir Robert Peel said, that any convention entered into would be laid on the table. There had been some strong expressions by the Secretary of the American Treasury with regard to a relaxation of the American tariff, and he expected shortly to be able to lay on the table a convention with Naples in favour of free trade.

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Mr. Curteis thought the duty on hops ought to have been repealed, and for not doing so the Ministers would incur the censure of the hopgrowing counties. He wished Sir Robert Peel to take the case into consideration, but would not press for an answer.

Sir Robert Peel said: "But I must give you an answer; and, if I were in private, I would earnestly

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