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of having acted with a single aim for the public welfare. Where a statesman has everything to lose and nothing to gain by a change of policy, it seems to require even more than the usual perversity of faction to discredit the sincerity of his motives. It is true that sincerity is no apology for error in judgment, and being convicted of the latter by his own confession, Sir R. Peel could not expect to escape the penalty which is attached to it; but it is due to justice that the blot of inconsistency should not be magnified beyond its true proportions, and that the distinction should be maintained between a candid avowal of error and a corrupt dereliction of principle.

With a single exception the entire Cabinet of Sir R. Peel gave countenance to his change of policy by resuming office under him. Lord Stanley alone retired from the office of Secretary for the Colonies, in which he was succeeded by Mr. W. E. Gladstone, who not long before had vacated another office under circumstances narrated in the preceding volume. It is needless to say, that unusual interest and excitement attended the opening of the session under the recent circumstances. It took place on the 19th of January, when Her Majesty in person delivered the following Speech from the Throne::

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of the desire to cultivate the most friendly relations with this country.

I rejoice that, in concert with the Emperor of Russia, and through the success of our joint mediation, I have been enabled to adjust the differences which had long prevailed between the Ottoman Porte and the King of Persia, and had seriously endangered the tranquillity of the East.

"For several years a desolating and sanguinary warfare has afflicted the States of the Rio de la Plata. The commerce of all nations has been interrupted, and acts of barbarity have been committed, unknown to the practice of a civilized people. In conjunction with the King of the French, I am endeavouring to effect the pacification of those States.

"The Convention concluded with France, in the course of last year, for the more effectual suppression of the Slave Trade, is about to be carried into immediate execution by the active co-operation of the Two Powers on the coast of Africa. It is my desire that our present union, and the good understanding which so happily exists between us, may always be employed to promote the interests of humanity and to secure the peace of the world.

"I regret that the conflicting claims of Great Britain and the United States in respect of the territory on the north-western coast of America, although they have been made the subject of repeated negotiation, still remain unsettled. You may be assured that no effort consistent with national honour shall be wanting on my part to bring this question to an early and peaceful termination.

"Gentlemen of the House of Com- late domestic skill and industry,

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I have to lament that, in consequence of a failure of the potato crop in several parts of the United Kingdom, there will be a deficient supply of an article of food which forms the chief subsistence of great numbers of my people. The disease by which the plant has been affected has prevailed to the utmost extent in Ireland. I have adopted all such precautions as it was in my power to adopt for the purpose of alleviating the sufferings which may be caused by this calamity; and I shall confidently rely on your co-operation in devising such other means for effecting the same benevolent purpose as may require the sanction of the Legislature.

"I have had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measures which you have presented to me from time to time calculated to extend commerce, and to stimu

by the repeal of prohibitory and the relaxation of protective duties. The prosperous state of the revenue, the increased demand for labour, and the general improvement which has taken place in the internal condition of the country, are strong testimonies in favour of the course you have pursued.

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I recommend you to take into your early consideration, whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more extensively applied, and whether it may not be in your power, after a careful review of the existing duties upon many articles, the produce or manufacture of other countries, to make such further reductions and remissions as may tend to insure the continuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted, and, by enlarging our commercial intercourse, to strengthen the bonds of amity with Foreign Powers.

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Any measures which you may adopt for effecting these great objects will, I am convinced, be accompanied by such precautions as shall prevent permanent loss to the revenue, or injurious results to any of the great interests of the country.

"I have full reliance on your just and dispassionate consideration of matters so deeply affecting the public welfare.

"It is my earnest prayer, that, with the blessing of Divine Providence on your councils, you may be enabled to promote friendly feelings between different classes of my subjects, to provide additional security for the continuance of peace, and to maintain contentment and happiness at home, by increasing the comfort and bettering the condition of the great body of my people."

The business of the session was commenced in the House of Lords by Lord Howe, who, in proposing the usual Address in reply to Her Majesty's speech, recapitulated its several topics, and recommended, for the adoption of their lordships, the opinions it expressed. After briefly noticing the continued maintenance of peace, the settlement of differences between the Ottoman Porte and Persia, the intervention of France and England on the River Plate, the co-operation of the Two Powers for the suppression of the Slave Trade, and expressing a fervent hope that the conflicting claims of Great Britain and the United States to the Oregon territory might still be amicably adjusted upon such a basis as the Ashburton Treaty; he adverted to the failure of the potato crop, and after mentioning, without discussing, the last important paragraph of the Royal Speech, concluded by moving the Address, which, as usual, was a very faithful echo of the Speech.

Lord De Ros, in seconding the Address, went over nearly the same topics, noticing, with especial commendation, the suggestion that some more effectual means should be taken to check the practice of assassination in Ireland,

The question, that the Address, be adopted, was then put by the Lord Chancellor, and declared to be carried in the affirmative.

The Duke of Richmond expressed some displeasure that the discussion had been so abruptly concluded, He had, however, heard enough to know that Ministers intended to withdraw protection from the industry of the country, and he challenged them to show any cause for rescinding the solemn compact made with the

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agricultural interest in 1842. could see no difference between the Anti-Corn Law League and the Government, and no reason why they should not create Mr. Cobden a peer. He denounced the League as the author of all these changes, and warned their lordships by the example of Ireland, still unappeased by the concessions of 1829, not to be intimidated into a surrender of their own opinions. called upon the great towns, too, to observe, that if protection were taken away from agriculture, Sir R. Peel was bound by his promises in 1839 to remove it from every other article; and asked how, if this complete revolution in our system, were achieved, the public creditor was to be satisfied, the farmer to pay his tithe, or a single salary or payment to remain unaltered? He solemnly protested against the clause of the Address which referred to protecting duties as being directly contrary to every principle and every speech, of the present Government, and, challenged it to test the amount of public confidence it enjoyed by an appeal to the country. He declared that he would resist by every means in his power-fac-. tious, if necessary--any diminution in the amount of agricultural protection, and concluded by calling for an explanation of the mysterious resignation and coun-. ter-resignation which had lately surprised the world.

The Duke of Wellington declined to defend the conduct of Sir Robert Peel or any measure of his government, The question before their lordships was the Address; other measures would shortly be submitted to them, but they had now only the Address to discuss, and an acquiescence, in that

bound them only to take into consideration the measures it suggested, upon which the Duke of Richmond would hereafter have' ample opportunity of expressing his opinions. As to explanations, he' reminded the noble duke that he was himself a member of the Privy Council of his Sovereign, and must know that, without her permission, he was bound to keep her council secret. He should, at least, therefore, have given notice of his question.

Lord Stanley being called upon by the Duke of Richmond for an explanation of the grounds upon which he had retired from the Government, declined to enter into details, upon the plea that he could not explain the motives of his conduct without stating what were the measures contemplated by the other members of the Cabinet, or with justice to his late colleagues, but stated, that upon one question only-one relating to the degree and amount of agricultural protection was there any difference of opinion. Upon that question a measure was proposed which he considered uncalled for by any change of circumstances since 1842, and which, therefore, he could not undertake to recommend without a sacrifice of his own personal consistency and honour. He cast no imputation upon the conduct of others; but conceiving it his duty to dissent from a project approved by a majority of his colleagues, he had tendered his resignation, and with this explanation of his motives and the course he had adopted, he trusted that their lordships would be satis fied.

Lord Hardwicke said, that as he saw in the Address a direct advance towards free trade, he

must form an exception to those who approved it. He thought that unless a change of circumstances could be proved, they were bound to adhere to the adjustment of the Corn Laws made only three years since, and he denied that' there had been any such change as to render the measures it was intended to bring forward necessary.

He would rather that it were proposed to put aside protection altogether than to make a gradual diminution of it, for many would unite to oppose the former measure who might be induced to acquiesce in a series of trifling alterations.

The Marquis of Lansdowne said, that having, like Lord Stanley, obtained Her Majesty's permission to explain the circumstances of some political transactions in which he had lately taken a part, he should avail himself of that permission as soon as the members of the Government had tendered an explanation. He had only at present, however, to express his cordial approbation of that portion of the Address which related to the differences with the United States upon the subject of Oregon.

Lord Brougham heartily concurred in this opinion, and then at considerable length, and with his accustomed ability, claimed for himself the credit of perfect consistency upon the great question of Corn Law repeal. He strongly condemned, however, the conduct of the League, especially in the course it had lately adopted, of endeavouring to procure an overpowering influence at elections by the purchase of qualifications, which he denounced as most dangerous to the constitution, and concluded by approving the reference to the state of Ireland in the

Address, and recommending their lordships to disregard all considerations of party, and strengthen the hands of the Executive Government.

Lord Malmesbury protested against the opinion, that the great mass of the people were in favour of a repeal of the Corn Laws. They had not changed their opinions because Cabinet Ministers had changed theirs, and it was their constitutional privilege to have a veto upon such a measure.

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Lord Radnor defended League from the attacks of Lord Brougham, and especially denied that their conduct had been in any degree unconstitutional. He regretted that it should be necessary to force right measures upon a Government by pressure from without; but if even Lord Brougham's arguments were successful, the pressure was necessary to reinforce them.

The Marquis of Salisbury and the Duke of Beaufort deprecated any diminution in the amount of agricultural protection, and their lordships then adjourned.

In the House of Commons the Address was moved on the same evening by Lord Francis Egerton, who, after alluding to the fact that it was now twenty years since he had stood under the auspices of Mr. Canning, in the same position which he then occupied, congratulated the House on the continuance of amicable relations between England and France, the two great countries which were at the head of the civilization of the world. He should look with deep anxiety and regret to the possibility that England might be called on to maintain her rights in any part of the world, however distant, by any other means save those of patient

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and friendly negotiation; but he should look at that possibility with still deeper anxiety and regret in case of a difference arising between England and the United States, a country united to our own by a community of laws, and language, and lineage. After declaring his concurrence in that part of Her Majesty's Speech which suggested the increase of our national defences, he passed to other topics which engrossed at present more of the public attention. was addressing the House at a juncture when an invitation had been offered by Her Majesty's Ministers to reconsider the whole state of the laws which regulated the importation of foreign commodities into this country. If he had not concurred in the propriety of that invitation, he could not have undertaken the office which he was then discharging. The time was now arrived when the House ought to avail itself of the earliest opportunity to reconsider the whole state of our laws regarding manufactures, with a view of ultimately departing from the principles of restriction and prohibition for the sake of protecting the productions of our home manufacture. Protection, in his opinion, should be applied to, or withheld from, all the productions of the country with strict impartiality. In former years he had opposed the imposition of a fixed duty as a permanent impost upon foreign corn, for he thought that if a duty were to be imposed, a sliding scale was better than a fixed duty. He had, however, arrived at the conclusion, that restriction as a permanent system ought not to be applied to any foreign commodity. It had been supposed in some quarters that some vast confeder

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