with an excuse for calling out the Cossacks, who attacked the crowd with savage violence, beating even women with their knouts. This disturbance was followed by an Imperial rescript, in which the Tsar stated that his Finnish subjects had been misled as to his intentions concerning the levy, and that, in response to the representations of the Senate, he had agreed to prolong the levy beyond June 24th, the date fixed by law. The rescript concluded with these words: "The failure of the recruits to present themselves at the levy will lead us to conclude that the methods of administration which have prevailed in Finland during the last century are inadequate to safeguard the peaceful development of political institutions and to secure obedience to the law." This statement was in direct contradiction to the facts of the case, as it was plainly the reversal of the methods of administration which had prevailed during the last half-century, and not those methods themselves, which was accountable for the existing discontent. During this same month of April fresh powers" for the maintenance of public order and tranquillity" were conferred on General Bobrikoff, in virtue of which he proceeded to send into exile many of the leading men of Finland.

The summer of 1902 passed uneventfully; but on September 30th six ordinances were published, of which the first reduced the Senate to a position of complete dependence upon the Governor-General, and the second enabled the "reformed Senate" to dismiss without trial any administrative official not appointed directly by the Tsar. The third ordinance authorised the Judicial Department of the Senate, which by the first was made the mere tool of the Governor-General, to dismiss the judges at will; and by the fourth it was enacted that no official could be brought to trial without the consent of his superiors. This law was especially intended to destroy the independence of the police, who had hitherto been responsible to the Law Courts for the legality of their actions, with the result

that policemen were condemned by the Courts for actions which had been praised and rewarded by a Governor.

On January 12th (25th), 1903, the Tsar decreed the punishment which was to fall upon the conscripts who had refused to attend the levy of the previous year. Those who occupied adminstrative posts were to be dismissed; none of the absentees were to be allowed to leave the country for the next five years; in granting public loans to communes regard was to be paid to the extent to which they had been implicated in resistance to the levy. The point of this last proviso becomes clear when it is remembered that during the spring of 1903 Finland suffered severely from famine, and the small relief funds at the disposal of the Governor-General were thus closed against communes which had upheld the liberties of their country. New regulations for the Governor-General, consisting of twenty-nine articles, were issued on April 2nd, 1903. They formed a sort of appendix to the regulations for the Senate of September 30th, 1902, and aimed at a transfer, in a still more marked degree, of the powers, formerly belonging to the Senate, to the Governor-General. By Article 21 all schools were placed under his supervision, and he must endeavour so to direct the instruction "that a spirit of affection towards His Imperial Majesty and Russia may be imparted to the youths." "Other "reforms" of this period have been the abolition of Finnish postage stamps, an increased censorship of the press leading to the suppression or suspension of a number of newspapers, and the introduction of the Russian language into the Senate, the army, where candidates. for the rank of sergeant are required to pass an examination in Russian, to the railways and into all classical and real lyceums, where twenty-nine and forty hours a week respectively must be devoted to instruction in Russian, while the power of dismissal given to General Bobrikoff has also been liberally

exercised.1 Among the prominent men who have been deprived of their offices may be mentioned Dr. Rein, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Helsingfors, and Count Mannerheim, who was not only dismissed but exiled sine die.

In the course of the last five years Finlanders have thus witnessed the complete destruction of their constitutional rights and of all the liberal institutions of which they were so justly proud. The Diet, the Law Courts, the national militia, the press, the schools, and even personal and domestic liberty have been attacked, and all this has been done, not in consequence of any disloyalty on the part of Finland, but simply because the autonomy of the country was an anomaly in that system of unification which now holds so prominent a place in the councils of the Tsar. This policy has not wanted apologists, however, even in England. Finland, it is argued, is not only an exception to the Russian rule of homogeneity throughout the empire, but is a standing menace to all the principles on which Russian autocracy is based. While Finland retains constitutional rights, it is an objectlesson to every aspirant to the political freedom which Russia cannot grant, and an encouragement to Nihilist conspirators. Mr. F. T. Jane, writing in The Daily Chronicle for March 6th, 1899, said: "One way or another, indirectly rather than directly, the fingers of all these people have been pointing to 'free Finland,' much as once they pointed to the Balkan States. The Russian speaks and lives in proverbs, and that about sauce for the goose being sauce for the gander has been much hammered into his head in a quiet way of late. Hence Finland becomes a problem." Another apologist, Mr. Henry Norman, hints at a foreign invasion of

The special correspondent of The Morning Post in the issue of December 2nd, 1903, stated that the number of persons exiled up to the end of November was forty. The alternative of deportation to Russia had only just been put into practice, the first deported persons being the premier Count of Finland and his son. The newspapers are forbidden to discuss, or even to mention, such events.

Russia by way of Finland, though he does not say from what quarter he expects this invasion to come, and justifies the new army law on this ground. This, however, is only a side issue; his main contention is that Russia has the power to crush Finland, and that in the exercise of this power she is only following the example of all other great nations in dealing with a weaker people. If it can be shown that the privileges of the loyal and law-abiding Finns do actually imperil the existence of the great Russian Empire, this view might be capable of defence, though even then it must be remembered that Russia's greatness is geographical rather than social, and that in the scale of civilisation she stands many steps lower down than Finland, That the 3,000,000 inhabitants of Finland should prove a danger to the 135,000,000 of Russia is a proposition evidently absurd, but if anything can convert Finland into a danger to the empire it will be the policy which is estranging her passionate loyalty and filling a contented people with bitterness and resent

ment.

The feeling of the people cannot be better expressed than in the words of the petition which three prominent exiles, Count Mannerheim, Mr. Eugen Wolff, exBritish vice-consul at Viborg, and Mr. Magnus Rosendal, endeavoured to present to the Tsar on November 6th, 1903, during his visit to Darmstadt. After enumerating the recent breaches of the Constitution, the petitioners concluded: "Dissatisfaction and unrest are everywhere found in the land. The new régime has been further aggravated by the dictatorial power confided to the Governor-General in open violation of the law. Citizens who conscientiously adhere to the laws of the country, and consequently refuse to obey the unconstitutional decrees which have caused the confusion and disorder, are being persecuted as enemies ofthe order of the State and the general tranquillity,' treated as malefactors, arrested, imprisoned, subjected to insulting domiciliary visits, or even exiled

according to the whims of the Governor-General or of his subordinates; all this without any charge having been established against them by legal inquiry. At the same time, it has become evident that crime has increased to a dangerous extent whilst the number of convicted criminals has greatly decreased, although the police forces have been strengthened beyond all reason. But the chief occupation of the police consists in spying on honest and respectable citizens, whilst the maintenance of order and the detection of crime are treated as of secondary importance. The worst elements in the population are brought forward and employed by those who allege that they are executing Your Majesty's wishes, are being rewarded and paid for spying and denunciation, whereby a state of corruption hitherto unknown and unimagined is being spread in ever greater measure amongst the population."

The depopulation of Finland, which will entail a great loss to Russia, is the certain outcome of the present policy of unification. Emigration is proceeding with unprecedented rapidity. During the seven years ending 1898 the average yearly emigration from Finland was 3,378. In 1899, the year of the Manifesto which first disclosed the destiny in store for Finland, the number rose to 12,075; in 1900 it was 10,397; in 1901, 12,561; and in 1902 it had reached 15,000.1

4. THE BALTIC PROVINCES

The three provinces of Livland, Estland, and Courland, which, from their situation on the shores of the Baltic, are of immense importance to Russia, are amongst her more recent acquisitions. The Lettish

1 Times, March 20th, 30th, 1899; February 28th, September 17th, 1901; June 21st, 24th, September 30th, 1902; February 10th, May 12th, October 2nd, November 11th, 12th, 1903. Weekly Times, March 14th, May 2nd, 1902. Morning Post, April 30th (article dated), July 31st, 1902. Daily Chronicle, March 6th, 1899. Foreign Office Reports," Annual Series, No. 3,086, published September 1903. "Statistisk Årsbok för Finland," p. 61.

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