do, or say. Power and office are corrupting. It is characteristic of a freeman to doubt those in power. He naturally suspects, and watches them. Here we will again refer to the celebrated Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. One of them uses the following emphatic language:

"That it would be a dangerous delusion, were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights. That confidence is every where the parent of despotism. Free gorernment is founded in jealousy, not in confidence—which prescribes limited constitutions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power-that our constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no further, our confidence may go."

Those that abuse Mississippi for the noble stand she has taken in defence of constitutional liberty, would persuade us, that because the law of 1838 was passed by men of our choice, we are estopped from an appeal to that high tribunal-the constitution of the State. They would persuade us, that the jealousy that caused the people to bind down the Legislature from an abuse of that most dangerous of all powers, the taxing power, was vain, idle, and ridiculous,-in other words, that confidence in men should cause us to disregard the constitution of the State. Here, again, we will quote from the Kentucky Resolutions:

"In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the constitution."

The people of Mississippi thought that those in power were, or would be, bound by the chains of the constitution, but if the doctrine of the Kentucky Resolutions is to be repudiated, and that of the writer in question, and of other bondpayers, is to prevail, those chains are ropes of sand,—mere ribbons to ornament the sword of usurpation.

Having, as we trust, clearly shown that the State of Mississippi was, and is, right respecting the bonds issued in her name, in 1838, we shall notice some positions, which the writer in the Southern Quarterly Review assumes, respecting the election of 1841. He says, that the question of repudiation was not distinctly presented to the people in that election. This is a mistake. We know that the question was directly, distinctly, and fairly put to the people. It was bond, and anti-bond, repudiation, or taxation. Payment had been demanded of the people through the Executive, we mean

payment of interest on the bonds, as the principal was not due. In all political meetings, and in the canvass of all the political candidates. except for Congress, this question absorbed all others. It was the great question of the season. The Democrats voted for Whigs, because they were antibonders, and the Whigs voted for Democrats, because they were bond-payers. This was the case, to a still greater extent, in the election of 1843,-when this question was again brought forward, by the common consent of all parties.

In the campaign of 1841, the question of being taxed for the support of the extravagant banking institutions of the State, only came up as a collateral, and incidental one, to the great question at issue. The anti-bonders agreed, that as the money, obtained for the bonds issued in 1838, had been used, and appropriated, by the Union Bank, that a tax, for the payment of those bonds, would be a tax for the benefit of those having control of the bank;-but this was only to present the question in its strongest light before the people; to show them that, in addition to being asked, by the bond-payers, to sanction a violation of the constitution, they wanted to tax them for the benefit of a corporation.

In February, of that year, the democratic party nominated a ticket for State officers;-this ticket received no votes, except certain persons on it, who were subsequently taken up by the anti-bond party. Every person placed on that ticket, we believe, was opposed to banks, and yet the antibond party would not sanction the nominations, only so far as the nominees were opposed to the recognition of the socalled Union Bank bonds.

We speak of these things to show, beyond a cavil, that the question of repudiating those bonds, was the controlling one of that year;-every thing else was subordinate.

The writer speaks of the large vote given to the bondpaying ticket. This indicates nothing;-in a governmental sense, a majority of the people, is the whole people. He might as well tell us, that Polk is not elected, because his opponent received more than a million of votes; or that the fact of their being numerous persons, very respectable, very wealthy, and very intelligent, opposed to the Whig cause, in 1776, furnishes evidence, that the Whigs were in the wrong. The people cannot do wrong; and the people of Mississippi have decided, that those bonds are unconstitutional,-this

settles the question, without the necessity of asking, how many rich, and influential persons, voted in the minority.

The writer tells us that the Legislature in January, 1841, in accordance with suggestions from the Governor, passed sundry resolutions, declaring that these bonds would be paid. Such resolutions were passed at the time mentioned, but he is much mistaken, when he says, they were passed in accordance with suggestions from the Executive. The Governor had notified the Legislature that certain bonds, called the bonds of the State of Mississippi, were under protest, and that they could not be paid without a resort to taxation, and that it was not very probable the people would bear taxation for that purpose.

As a response to these remarks of the Executive, the Legislature passed those high sounding unmeaning resolutions.

The Executive then told them, that if they would prove their sincerity, by laying a tax for the purpose, he would resign his office, in which case the President of the Senate would be the acting Governor, who was in favor of the payment of the bonds, and of course would sanction any law for that purpose. This the Legislature failed to do, so that if the passage of those resolutions indicated any thing, it was nothing more than the insincerity of those who passed them.

In 1843, the people of Mississippi again confirmed the decision they had made in 1841, and they are ready, and willing to confirm those decisions by a third and fourth one if necessary. They have resolved to preserve the constitution of their State against encroachment and violation from friend or foe. Come what will, it must be preserved. Her position is indeed a proud one. She is the pioneer in the great highway of genuine liberty. She has given the first shock to bonding and funding. Her sister States are beginning to bind down their Legislatures with constitutional chains, to prevent the evils of oppressive taxation. Generations yet unknown, will rise up and bless the gallant sons of Mississippi, for their boldness in checking a system that was fast undermining the liberties of the people of our glorious Union. L. S.

ART. V.-NATIONAL INSTITUTE.

1. Discourse on the objects and importance of the National Institution for the Promotion of Science, established at Washington, delivered at the first anniversary, by JOEL R. POINSETT, Secretary of War, and Senior Director of the Institution. Washington: P. Force, Printer. 1841.

2. Bulletin of the Proceedings of the National Institution for the Promotion of Science. Washington: 1842. 3. Second Bulletin of the Proceedings of the National Institution for the Promotion of Science. Washington:

1842.

4. The Annual Address delivered before the National Institute, in the Hall of the House of Representatives, January 5th, 1845; by LEVI WOODBURY.

5. Third Bulletin of the Proceedings of the National Institute for the Promotion of Science, Washington. Washington: 1845.

THE political interests, the rights and liberties of our great and growing confederacy, are the themes of public writers from one end of our Union to the other. The scientific and literary character of our government is seldom alluded to, or, only in relation to individuals of distinction, who are scattered through our country. While the policy and pride of other nations are deeply concerned in promoting, by governmental aid, the labors of scientific men, our republic, which boasts of the virtue, and intelligence, and mental abilities of her citizens, considers the progress of science as belonging exclusively to individual exertion, and to be fostered by individual means. True, an occasional expedition is sent out to explore the geography or topogra phy of our widely extended country;-to determine the extent and general character of our territory, but where are the scientific results made known to our citizens, and of what

amount are they? With what difficulties had the supporters of the late Exploring Expedition to contend, before it could be carried into effect; and now that the work has been accomplished, and scientific facts, and observations, and objects been collected, where are the results? Our government has no power, or money to take care of the collections. Congress has made no appropriations for the pub

lication of the records of the naturalists, and men of science, appointed to note every thing interesting and new on the voyage; and all that the public have derived from this great enterprise, has been the narrative alone of the commander, published at his individual expense for his own benefit. The few copies published by the government for presents to be distributed among other nations, and a copy to each of our States, are all that have been put forth by the Congress of this great republic. Let any one visit the immense collections of the Exploring Expedition, in the patent office at Washington, crowded in mass, without any attempt at scientific arrangement, and the want of interest of our representatives in its results, will be recognized. Where are the geological reports, the botanical catalogues, the descriptions of the various departments of natural history, the astronomical and philosophical observations? Congress may, perhaps, at its next Session, appropriate means to publish them! However, we are anticipating our subject, and we must confine ourselves to the origin, history, and present condition of the NATIONAL INSTITUTE.

In the anniversary address of Mr. Poinsett, he thus alludes to its origin :

"The lovers of science, literature, and the fine arts, residing in this district, felt sensibly the absence of those resources, which are found elsewhere, and are necessary for the attainment of knowledge. They were mortified to perceive that the great advantages possessed by the public authorities at Washington were neglected, and that at the seat of government of this great nation, there existed fewer means than in any other city of the Union of prosecuting those studies, which, while they impart dignity and enjoyment to existence, lead to the most useful practical results. They believed it to be their duty to arouse the attention of government to these deficiences, and, at all events, to address themselves to the task of supplying them, as far as could be done, by their individual and combined exertions. For these purposes they have formed an association, and applied themselves to collect specimens of geology and mineralogy, and other objects of natural history, and for the short period of its exis tence, the efforts of the institution have been eminently successful. They have entered into correspondence with other learned societies, and have been encouraged to proceed by their approbation, and have profited by their generous co-operation. They have invited the assistance of their fellow citizens in the most distant States and Territories, and hope, by their aid, to collect documents and facts illustrative of the early history of our country, specimens of its geology, and of its mineral and vegetable productions, and, if not, to preserve the animals and plants themselves, which are passing away before the progress of settlement and cultivation, at least to perpetu