Prossia has removed from Berlin to Breslaw. The Kings of Saxony, Wirtemberg, and Bavaria, as well as the Emperor of Austria, seem to be unshaken in their alliance with France, Denmark and Sweden continue inactive. Distinct and circumstantial reports of the French Generals, the Viceroy of Italy, the Prince of Eckmuhl, and the Duke of Elchingen, have been published by the French government, which would make it appear that the reports in the Petersburgh Gazette, of victories gained by the Russians, (see Number 235, The page 550) were UTTERLY FALSE. French Generals admit, that the severity of the weather destroyed their horses, and that in consequence many fatigued men and their destroyed cannon were left behind; but they concur in deciar ing, that they repulsed or beat the Russians wherever they encountered them. These reports are very clear and circumstantial, and we regret we have not room to insert them entire. SPAIN. The Marquis of Wellington and the Duke of Dalmatia are vigorously pre paring for a new campaign, in this illfated and ruined country. Fresh attempts have been used to arouse the Spaniards in the English interests, and it is said, that 50,000 of them, armed, paid, and clothed, by England, are to be commanded by English officers. King Joseph passed several weeks at Valladolid, which he threatened to make the capital of Spain; but he has lately taken up his residence at Madrid. The Anglo-Spanish Cortes, on the 22d of January, and not till then, decreed the abolition of the Inquisition, by 90 against 60 voices. The positions of the hostile armies in this country are perspicuously described in the following letter from the Marquess of Wellington, dated Frenada, in Portugal, January 27, 1813. "I returned here on the 27th instant. It appears that the enemy has not made any essential alteration in the position of the armies during my absence. The three armies of Portugal, the centre and the South, are united in Castile, under King Joseph, whose head-quarters are now ja Madrid. The army of Portugal is under the command of General Reille, who lately came from the army of the North, and has his head-quarters in Valladolid. The army of the centre is under the orders of Conde D'Erlon, who was formerly employed in the army of the South, and commanded for a short time the army of I have not received any recent accounts by which I can form an idea of the state of affairs in the North of Spain; General Mina appears to be actively employed against the enemy in Navarre, and he, as well as General Longa, have caused him great loss. The latter destroyed six hundred men, and took two pieces of artillery, in an action with the enemy on the 30th of November. My last accounts from Alicant are dated the latter end of December, at which epoch part of the reinforcements which were expected from Sicily had arrived, and Lieu tenant-General Lord William Bentinck, was expected. The allied English and Portuguese armies occupy the same cantonments in which they were in the beginning of December. The Spanish troops are likewise all in cantonments." FRANCE. NAPOLEON has employed the winter in reviews and in preparations for the new campaign, omitting no means of proving his confidence in its results, by passing some of his time in hunting, at the theatres, &c. In the mean time, all the energies of his empire are exerted to aug ment his armies in Poland and Spain. As the Press of his enemies laid so much stress on his assassination, during the last campaign, he has provided the power of France against any shock from that possible event, by a formal legislative provision for a regency, in the Empress mother, during the minority of the King of Rome; and, to make this ar rangement as imposing as possible, the Empress and her son are to be crowned by the Pope! To obtain this last influence, he has had an interview with the detained Pontiff, at Fontainbleau, and a Concordat has been mutually signed, which, it is said, has arranged all the differences between the Pope and Emperor, and obtained for the Gallic church, the sanction of the successor of St. Peter. Paris, Feb. 14.-To-day his Majesty the Emperor and King departed at one o'clock from the palace of the Thuilleries in grand state, to proceed to the palace of of the Legislative Body. Salvoes of ar ments to the Legislative Bodu.-The war again lighted in the North of Europe of fered a favourable opportunity to the projects of the English upon the Peninsula. They have made great efforts, All their hopes have been deceived. Their army was wrecked before the citadel of Burgos, and obliged, after having suffered great losses, to evacuate the Spanish territory. "I myself entered Russia. The French arms were constantly victorious in the fields of Ostrowno, Polotsk, Mohilow, Smolensk, Moscow, Malairaslovitz. The Russian armies could not stand before our armies. Moscow fell into our power. "Whilst the barriers of Russia were Forced, and the impotency of her arms acknowledged, a swarm of Tartars turned their parricidal hands against the finest provinces of that vast empire, which they had been called to defend. They, in a few weeks, notwithstanding the tears and despair of the unfortunate Muscovites, burned more than 4000 of their finest villages; more than 50 of their finest towns: thus gratifying their ancient hatred, under the pretext of retarding our march, by surrounding us with a desert-We triumphed over all these obstacles. Even the fire of Moscow, by which, in four days, they annihilated the fruits and labours of four generations, chauged in no respect the prosperous state of my affairs. "But the excessive and premature rigour of the winter, brought down a heavy calamity upon my army. In a few nights I saw every thing change-I experienced great losses-They would have broken my heart, if, under such circumstances, I could have been accessible to any other sentiments than those of the interest, the glory, and the future prosperity of my people. "On seeing the evils which pressed upon us, the joy of England was great-Her hopes had no bounds. She offered our finest provinces as the reward of treason. She made, as the conditions of peace, the dismemberment of this vast empire;it was, under other terms, to proclaim perpetual war. "The energy of my people under these great circumstances; their attachment to the integrity of the empire; the love which they have shewn nfe, have dissipated all these chimeras, and brought back our ene. mies to a more just consideration of things. "The misfortunes produced by the igour of hoar frosts, have made apparent in all their extent, the grandeur and the solidity of this empire, founded upon the "I desire peace; it is necessary to the which followed the treaty of Amiens, I world. Four years after the rupture proposed it in a solemn manner. I will never make but an honourable peace, and one conformable to the interests and grandeur of my empire. My policy is not mysterious; I have stated all the sacrifices I could make. "So long as this maritime war shall last, my people must hold themselves ready to make all kinds of sacrifices, because a bad peace would make us lose every thingeven hope-and all would be compromised -even the prosperity of our descendants. "America has had recourse to arms, to The wishes of the world accompany her in make the sovereignty of her flag respected. by obliging the enemies of the continent this glorious contest. If she terminates it to acknowledge the principle, that the flag covers the merchandize and crew, and that neutrals ought not to be subject to blockades upon paper, (the whole conformable to the stipulations of the treaty of Utrecht,) America will have credit from all nations: lost its rights, and that the new one reposterity will say, that the old world had conquered them. 66 My minister of the interior will ex plain to you in the Exposé of the sitnaof agriculture, manufactures, and of our tion of the empire, the prosperous state interior commerce, as well as the still constant increase of our population. In no age has agriculture and manufactures been carried to a higher degree of prosperity in France. ** I want "I want great resources to meet the expenses which circumstances demand; but, by means of the different measures which my minister of finances will propose to you, I shall not impose any new burthen on my people." CONCORDAT signed at Fontainbleau, the 25th January, 1813, between his Majesty the Emperor and King, and his Holiness Pius VII. "His Majesty the Emperor and King, and his Holiness, being inclined to put a termination to the differences which have arisen between them, and to provide against the difficulties that have taken place in several affairs concerning the church, have agreed upon the following articles, which are to serve as a basis for a definitive arrangement: Art. 1. His Holiness shall exercise the Pontificate in France, and in the kingdom of Italy, in the same manner and same forms as his predecessors. 2. The Ambassadors, Ministers, Chargés d'Affaires, of foreign powers, to the Holy Father, and the Ambassadors, Ministers, or Chargés d'Affaires, whom the Pope may have with foreign powers, shall enjoy anch immunities and privileges as are enjoyed by the Diplomatic Body. 3. The domains which were possessed by the Holy Father, and that have not been alienated, shall be exempted from all kinds of imposts, and shall be administered by his Agents or Chargés d'Affaires. Those which were alienated, shall be replaced to the amount of 2,000,000 francs in revenue. 4. Within the space of six months following the notification of the usage of nonination by the Emperor to the Archbishoprics and Bishoprics of the empire and kingdom of Italy, the Pope shall give the canonical institutions in conformity with the Concordat, and by virtue of this present indulto. The preluding informa. tion shall be given by the Metropolitan. The six months being expired without the Pope having accorded to the institution, the Metropolitan, or in default of him, where a Metropolitan is in question, the oldest Bishop of the province shall proceed to the Institution of the new Bishop, so that a see shall never be vacant longer than one year. 5. The Pope shall nominate to the ten Bishoprics, either in France or in Italy, which shall finally be designated by mutual consent. 6. The six suburb bishoprics shall be re-established. They shall be at the nomination of the Pope. The property actually existing shall be restored, and measures shall be taken for recovering what has been sold.. At the death of the Bishop of Anagni and of Rieti, their dioceses shall be re-united to the six bishoprics beforementioned, conformably with the agree ment which will take place between his Majesty and the Holy Father. 7. With regard to the bishops of the Roman states, who are through circumstances absent from their dioceses, the Holy Father may exercise his right of giving bishopricks in partibus in their favour. A pension shall be given to them equal to the revenue before enjoyed by them, and they may be re-placed in the va cant sees, either in the empire, or in Italy. 8. His Majesty and his Holiness will at a proper time concert with each other on the reduction to be made, if it should take place, in the bishoprics of Tuscany, and the country of Genoa, as likewise for the bishoprics to be established in Holland, and in the Hanseatic departments. 9. The Propaganda, the Penitentiary, and the Archives shall be established in the place of the Holy Father's abode. 10. His Majesty restores his good favour to those cardinals, bishops, priests, and lay brethren, who have incurred his displeasure in consequence of actual events. 11. The Holy Father agrees to the above dispositions, in consideration of the actual state of the church, and in the confidence with which his Majesty has inspired him, that he will grant his powerful protection to the numerous wants which religion suffers in the times we live in. NAPOLEON. Fontainbleau, Jan. 25, 1813. Pius, P. P. 7. (Signed) GREAT BRITAIN. The parliament met early in the month, but the discussions to the 20th possessed little general interest. Some extraordinary facts, which will excite the attention of all England, came out before the committee appointed to try the Weymouth and Melcombe Regis Petitions. The following passages from the opening speech of Serjeant Pell, as given in the Morning Chronicle, deserve to be placed on record.. "He would shew," he said, "that his Royal Highness the Duke of C. undertook the management of the Borough of Weymouth; that this illustrious Duke of the House of Hanover condescended to turn a Borough agent for four court candidates. There had been, indeed, Dukes of C. who would rather have found their trophies in the field of Culloden, than in the Bo rough of Weymouth; and, for his part, he envied no man such honours. He had gone through the whole of his case; and, if he established it to the satisfaction of the committee, they would, no doubt, feel it their duty to bring it before the House of Commons at large, and ask what they would do when a King's son attempted to influence the return of members to that house; an offence bad enough in any one, but beyond all measure in a Duke of C., and one which if proved, he hoped would be visited by the severest animadversions of that house." On the 18th instant the following address to the Regent, relative to the American War, was carried in the house of Lords with only two dissenting voices, and in the house of Cormous unanimously acquainting his Royal Highness, that they have taken into their serious consideration the papers which were laid before them by his Royal Highness's command, relative to the late discussions with the government of the United States. That, while they deeply lament the failure of the endeavours of his Royal Highness to preserve the relations of peace and amity between this country and America, they highly approve of the resistance opposed to the unjustifiable pretensions of the government of the United States; being satisfied that those pretensions were not admissible without surrendering some of the most ancient, important, and undoubted rights of the British empire. That, impressed with these sentiments, and fully convinced of the justice of his Royal Highness's cause, his Royal High. ness may rely on their zealous and cordial support, and on their affording every means necessary for prosecuting the war with Figour, and for bringing it to a safe and honourable termination." ་་ success of our warlike system? Would England have submitted to a similar American system, under similar circumstances? If America had in like manher gone to war with France, would England have submitted to what has been demanded of, and suffered by, America? England, as a great, proud, and independent state, would have replied to America, that she was no party in her war; that her quarrel could not be allowed to turn the whole world topsyturvy; that English interests demanded a free and an undisturbed navigation of the seas; that English honour forbade the inquisition of her ships aud crews; and, in fine, no one will doubt but that war would, under such attempts of America, have been the unavoidable issue! The present War, therefore, between England and America arises out of pre-existing circumstances, to which America was ne party; and it is a regular aut! necessary consequence, flowing out of the wide spread war between France and England, No radical interest of either the English or American governments, could have generated such a contest; and it could not have been the wish, or the primary intention, of either government, that it should have taken place; but it has ne cessarily arisen from the unavoidable col As this War relates to a belligerent lision between the belligerent measures right, (the search for scamen) of no pub of Great Britain, and the commercial lic importance except in time of war, its interests and independent rights of neu NECESSITY depends of course on the Etral America! Let this unhappy re CESSITY of the original war; and of its JUSTICE, little can be said, unless every belligerent has a RIGHT to force all neutrals to concede their own public rights to the accommodation of such belligerent. Petitioners for peace, and the friends of peace generaliy, might be baffled and confounded by this parliamentary unanimity, in regard to a new war, if they were not to think and reason for themselves. When our ambassador was re-called from Paris, the English government well knew that there existed NEUTRAL NATIONS, who posse-sed the common rights of all indepen. dent nations They knew also that the language of neutral America was English; and, indeed, having then just closed a previous ten years' war, they could not be strangers to all the difficulties of American neutrality. Yet how could they reasonably expect that America should yield its independent rights to our convenience, as belligerents? How could they expect America to submit to all the privations and vexations necessary to the sult of the original French war operate then as an ADDITIONAL STIMULUS to the friends of peace, to continue their con stitutional exertions; because, in the moment in which war ceases between France and England, it will terminate, as a thing of course, between all the minor parties who have unhappily been drawn or forced into its destructive VORTEX. The following Letter of the PRINCESS OF WALES, Sufficiently illustrates the situation and feelings of the Royal Writer, who has been the subject of so much surmise since the famous Investigation in 1806. “S18,—-It is with great reluctance that I presume to obtrude myself upon your Royal Highness, and to solicit your attenrather of a personal than a public nature. tion to matters which may, at first, appear If I could think them so--if they related merely to myself I should abstain from a proceeding which might give uneasiness, or interrupt the more weighty occupations of your Royal Highness's time. I should continue, in silence and retirement, to lead lead the life which has been prescribed to me, and console myself for the loss of that society and those domestic comforts to which I have so long been a stranger, by the reflection that it has been deemed proper I should be afflicted without any fault of my own and that your Royal Highness knows it. But, Sir, there are considerations of a higher nature than any regard to my own happiness, which render this address a duty both to myself and my daughter. May I venture to say-a duty also to my husband, and the people committed to his care! There is a point beyond which a guiltless woman cannot with safety carry her forbearance. If her honour is invaded, the defence of her reputation is no longer a matter of choice; and it signifies not whether the attack be made openly, manfully, and directly-or by secret in sinuation, and by holding such conduct towards her as countenances all the suspicions that malice can suggest. If these ought to be the feelings of every woman in England who is conscious that she deserves no reproach, your Royal Highness has too sound a judgment, and too nice a sense of honour, not to perceive, how much more justly they belong to the mother of your daughter-the mother of her who is destined, I trust, at a very distant period, to reign over the British Empire. "It may be known to your Royal Highness, that, during the continuance of the restriction upon your Royal authority, I purposely refrained from making any representations which might then augment the painful difficulties of your exalted station. At the expiration of the restric tions I still was inclmed to delay taking this step, in the hope that I might owe the redress I sought to your gracious and unsolicited condescension. I have waited, in the food indulgence of this expectation until, to my inexpressible mortification, I find, that my unwillingness to complain, has only produced fresh grounds of complaint; and I am at length compelled, either to abandon all regard for the two dearest objects which I possess on earth, mine own honour, and my beloved child, or to throw myself at the feet of your Royal Highness, the natural protector of both. "I presume, Sir, to represent to your Royal Highness, that the separation, which every succeeding month is making wider, of the mother and the daughter, is equally injurious to my character and to her education. I say nothing of the deep Wounds which so cruel an arrangement inflicts upon my feelings, although I would fain hope that few persons will be found of a disposition to think lightly of these. To see myself eut off from one of the very few domestic enjoyments left macertainly the only one upon which I set MONTHLY MAG, No. 258. any value, the society of my child-involves me in such misery as I well know your Royal Highness could never inflict upon me if you were aware of its bitterness. Our intercourse has been gradually diminished. A single interview weekly seemed sufficiently hard allowance for a mother's affections,-that, however, was reduced to our meeting once a fortnight; and I now learn that this most rigorous interdiction is to be still more rigidiy enforced. 66 But, while I do not ventare to intrude my feelings as a mother upon your Royal Highness's notice, I must be allowed to say, that, in the eyes of an observing and jealous world, this separation of a daughter from a mother will only admit of one construction-a construction fatal to the mother's reputation. Your Royal Highness will also pardon me for adding, that there is no less inconsistency than injustice in this treatment. He who dares advise your Royal Highness to overlook the evidence of my innocence, and disregard the sentence of complete acquittal which it prodaced-or is wicked and false enough still to whisper suspicions in your ear, betrays his duty to you, Sir, to your daughter, and to your people, if he counsels you to permit a day to pass without a further investigation of my conduct. I know that no such calumniator will venture to recommend a measure which must speedily end in his utter confusion. Then let me implore you to reflect on the situation in which I am placed-without the shadow of a charge against me-without even an accuser-after an inquiry that led to my ample vindication-yet treated as if I were still more culpable than the perjuries of my suborned traducers represented me, and held up to the world as a mother who may not enjoy the society of her only child. "The feelings, Sir, which are natural to my unexampled situation, might justify me in the gracious judgment of your Royal Highness, had I no other motives for addressing you but such as relate to myself. But I will not disguise from your Royal Highness what I cannot for a moment conceal from myself, that the serious, and it soon may be the reparable, injury which my daughter sustatus from the plan at present pursued, has done more in overcoming my reluctance to intrude upon your Royal Highness, than any sufferings of my own could accomplish; and if, for her sake, I presume to call away your Royal Highness's attention from the other cares of your exalted station, I feel confident I am not claiming it for a matter of inferior importance either to yourself or your people. "The powers with which the constitution of these realms vests your Royal 2 Highness |