Spanish insurgents. Mr. Canning, in his reply to the Russian minister, appealed with much energy to Russia against France; and, in bis answer to the French minister, he insisted that the cause of the Spanish insurgents was that of the Spanish nation, and the legitimate monarchy of Spain, and that the central and supreme government, acting for Ferdinand VII. must be a party to the negotiation. No answers were given, and thus the alleged purpose of the imperial meeting at Erfurth was unfortunately deprived of its effect.

VII. In the month of February 1810, Bonaparte gave the government of Holland to understand, that its political exis. tence as an independant state would depend upon the dispositions of the British govern ment with respect to peace with France. In consequence of this Mr. Labouchere was dispatched, at the instance of Louis Bo. naparte and the Dutch government, from Amsterdam to London, to lay this state of affairs before the British ministry, and to impress upon them how much it would be for the advantage of England, that Hol land should not fall under the sovereign dominion of the French empire, but remain an independant power. On his ar◄ rival in London, he had an audience with the Marquis Wellesley; to whom he communicated the substance of his instruc tions, and on whom it appears he endeavoured to impress the conviction, that the general interest, well understood, and the lasting prosperity of every commercial state, imperiously required that the crisis in which Holland was, should not be looked at with indifference. To this application no official reply was made; but, from the verbal communications of Lord Wellesley, and the general observations and infor mation of Mr. Labouchere, it appeared to him, as stated in his report to the Dutch governinent, "that the main question of peace or war engaged little of the public attention. That they were reconcited by habit to the continuance of the war; and that its consequences, fur from being felt, were rather favourable to private interest. That it must not, however, be inferred that a seitled resolution had been taken to reject all proposals for peace, but that probably, if France showed any inclination of this kind, the British mi nistry would afford many facilities; but that, under all the considerations of the times, those which related to Holland were only of a secondary and very remote inter. est; and that the conviction of the impos. sibility that any convention respecting that MONTHLY MAG. No. 237.

country, could ever, under the influence of France, offer any chance of security to England, unless it was connected with a general arrangement, had blunted all the feeling which Holland could otherwise have inspired-so fur indeed as not to draw any attention to the very important motives which should induce them to consider this question separately, and under an immediate point of view. In consequence of this, the Dutch envoy took his departure from this country, and Holland at this moment composes an integral part of the dominions of France. Thus the very object for which the war was ostensibly commenced, was given up without an effort. On this singular transaction, which was not publicly known in this country till about twelve months after it had taken place, and which we believe never became the subject of parliamen tary discussion, we shall only remark, that, although Holland was acting under the influence and control of France, yet, whilst she existed under a separate government, there still remained a possibility of detaching her, under favourable circumcumstances, and even of directing her power against our enemies. She was an implement, grasped for the present by the French ruler, but which might possibly have been wrested from, and turned against him; whereas she is now annihilated, and her population and resources added to the immense mass of the French empire. And thus, whilst we are inter esting ourselves with the capture or the loss of a frigate, alterations are silently suffered to take place in the affairs of Europe, which consolidate the dominions of our enemies, and confirm that power which we consider it as the object of the war to destroy.

VIII. On the 17th of April, 1812, the French minister of Foreign Affairs ad dressed a letter to the English Foreign Minister, stating, that Napoleon, "constantly actuated by sentiments friendly to moderation and peace, again made a solemn and sincere attempt to put an end to the miseries of war." In proot of the sincerity of the overture, the French muster submitted a project of the terms on which peace might be concluded, stating that, us the affairs of the Peninsula, and the Tao Suites, were the points of difference which appeared least to admit of being adjusted, he was authorized to propose an arrangement of them on the ful lowing basis:-The integrity of Spun, to be guaranted; France to renounce all idea of extending her dominion de

K

yond

We might fill a volume with observations on these successive proposals and their respective answers on the spirit indicated by the two parties-on the im possibility of peace being at any time concluded if the overtures of one party are coldly rejected, without some proposed modification, or some conciliatory counter-projet on the magnitude of the concession made by a soliciting party-on the presumption of sincerity, afforded by a first overture on the impropriety of carrying a pre-existing hostile spirit into negociation-on the unreasonableness of demanding concessions as a basis which involves the consequences of successful war-on the ungraciousness of not recognizing the dignities of those who represent a nation, and are competent to wield its powers of aggression on the impracticability of concluding any peace, if all the real or assumed albes and auxiliaries of the principal Belligerents are to be made assenting parties to the preliminary basis-on the impossibility of peace being negociated, as long as either party envelopes itself in general demands of undescribed satisfaction, and in sweeping accusations of undefined, and perhaps of undefinable, aggressions-and finally, on the interminable duration of war, if its unhappy and destructive consequences in one year, are to be assumed as justifiable causes of its continuance, during succeeding years. We, however, submit these and other considerations to the intelligence of our readers, having discharged our duty to our own consciences, to our country, and to suffering huma nity, in thus collecting into one point of view, the results of the attempts that have been made to put an end to a War, which has already covered with blood the fairest portion, of the CIVILIZED WORLD, and carried sorrow and misery into every family of all those countries which, by eminence, bear the name of CHRISTIAN.

yond the Pyrennees. The present dynasty to be declared independent, and Spain to be governed by a National Constitution of her Cortes. The independence and integrity of Portugal to be also guaranteed, and the House of Braganza to have the sovereign authority. -The kingdom of Naples to remain in possession of the present monarch, and the kingdom of Sicily to be guaranteed to the present family of Sicily; and, as a consequence of these stipulations, Spain, Portu gal, and Sicily, to be evacuated by the French and English land and naval forces. -With respect to the other objects, he proposed that each power should retain that of which the other could not deprive it by war; and stated that, the Emperor, in taking this step, did not look either to the advantages or losses which France might derive from the war, if it should be prolonged; but was influenced simply by considerations for the interests of humanity, and the peace of his people; and, if this fourth attempt should not be attended with success, like those which had preceded it, France should at least have the consolation of thinking, that, whatever blood might yet flow,would be justly imputable to England alone." To these overtures Lord CASTLEREAGH replied, that “ If, as his Royal Highness feared, the meaning of the proposition was, that the royal authority of Spain, and the government established by the Cortes, shall be recognized as residing in the brother of the head of the French government, and the Cortes formed under his authority, and not in the legitimate sovereign Ferdinand VII. and his heirs, aud the Extraordinary Assembly of the Cortes, now invested with the power of the government in that kingdom in his name; he was commanded frankly and explicitly to declare, that the obliga. tions of good faith do not permit his Royal Highness to receive a proposition for peace founded on such a basis - But, if the expressions apply to the actual government of Spain, which exercises the sovereign authority in the name of Ferdinand VII. upon an assurance to that effect, the Prince Regent will feel himself disposed to enter into a full explanation upon the basis which has been transmitted, in order to be taken anto consideration by his Royal Highness; it bing his most earnest wish to contribute, in concert with his allies, to the repose of Europe, and to bring about a peace which way be at once honorable, not only for Great Britain and France, but also for these States which are in relations of amity with each of these Powers.

To repair this horrible waste of human life, Alexander has ordered new levies, of 8 in every 500 males; which, from the 12 millions designated, will give him 192,000 recruits; and Napoleon, at Paris, has produced decrees of the Con. servative Senate, by which 350,000 French are placed at his disposal; and it has also been arranged, that 40,000 cavalry shall be raised by the cities and communes, at their own expense. Thus, without the intervention of some kind Angel of peace and benevolence, the world is likely to witness in April and May, the shock and mutual carnage of a million of exasperated men in arms!

In the mean time, the public are likely to be the dupes of stock-jobbing, and all kinds of sinistrous reports, against which we caution our judicious readers, and invoke them to exert all their energies and influence to one point only, THE RE

STURATION OF PEACE.

Of a contrary character, however, is the new declaration of the Regent's Government against America, which, amidst much accusation and recrimination, contains the following paragraphs:

"After this exposition of the circumstances which preceded; and which have followed the declaration of war by the United States, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, feels himself called upon to declare the leading principles by which the conduct of Great Britain has been regulated in the transactions connected with these discussions.

"His Royal Highness can never acknowledge any blockade whatsoever to be illegal, which has been duly notified, and is supported by an adequate force, merely upon the ground of its extent, or because the ports or coasts blockaded are not at the same time in vested by land.

His Royal Highness can never admit, that neutral trade with Great Britain can be consti

tuted a public crime, the commission of which can expose the ships of any power whatever to be denationalised.

"His Royal Highness can never admit, that Great Britain can be debarred of its right of just and necessary retaliation, through the fear of eventually affecting the interests of a neutral.

"But if, to the practice of the United States, to harbour British seamen, be added their as sumed right, to transfer the allegiance of British subjects, and thus to cancel the jurisdiction of their legitimate sovereign, by acts of naturalization and certificates of citizenship, which they pretend to be as valid out of their own territory as within it, it is obvious that, to abandon this ancient right of Great Britain, and to admit these novel pretensions of the United States, would be to expose to danger the very foundation of our maritime strength.

"Such are the causes of war which have been put forward by the Government of the United States. But the real origin of the present contest will be found in that spirit, which has long unhappily actuated the councils of the United States; their marked partiality In palliating and assisting the aggressive ty ranny of France; their systematic endeavours to inflame their people against the defensive measures of Great Britain; their ungenerous conduct towards Spain, the intimate ally of Great Britain; and their unworthy desertion of the cause of other neutral nations. It is

through the prevalence of such councils, that America has been associated in policy with France, and committed in war against Great Britain.”

The following Proclamation of the Emperor of Russia has lately appeared. The moderation of his language accords with our ideas of the great personal virtues of Alexander; but, as ardent friends of Peace, we solemnly deplore his avowal of a design to restore the equilibrium of Eur mpe, according to Russian views of that equilibrium. This chimerical design threatens Europe with UNIVERSAL DEVASTATION, and with the continuance of the war, during the lives of the present generation, or till all the remaining governments are destroyed.

PROCLAMATION." When the Emperor of all the Russians was compelled, by a war of aggression, to take arms for the defence of his states, his Imperial Majesty, from the accuracy of his combinations, was enabled to form an estimate of the important results which that war might produce with respect to the independence of Europe. The most heroic constancy, the greatest sacrifices, have

led

the various melodies are numerous and striking a happy relief is afforded by the contrast of their style; and the constant combination of profound science, with the felicities of a facile and florid conception, will recommend the work to universal attention. With each air a translation of the original words is given : and an elegant and emblematical engraving, executed by Hopwood, from a design by Schobert, adorns the title page. Divertimento for the Piano forte. Composed and dedicated to Miss Henrietta Russel, by G. E. Griffin. 3s. 6d.

This sonata is founded on one of the most favourite airs in Midas. It has an introductory movement, in which Mr. Griffin has successfully exercised his fancy. The subject of the movement which constitutes the sonata is variegated and worked upon with ample resources of novelty, and relieves, without abandoning, the character of its prototype. Variations on the Bay of Biscay. Composed and inscribed to Muzio Clementi, Esq. by Samuel Wesley, Esq. 35.

With Mr. Wesley's science and inge. nuity, the public are too well acquainted not to anticipate our approbation of these variations. They are nine in number, and are conducted with that attention to a proper relief, that the last of them is listened to with as much interest as the first. The execution is lively, the style is chaste, and the original is never too widely departed from; the ear is never suffered to forget it.

A Set of Psalm Tunes, with some Select Pieces, and an Anthem, composed in a familiar style, and figured for the Piano-forte, &c. by Thomas Clark, Canterbury. 55.

Of this collection we cannot speak in terms of distinguished praise. The melodies are deficient in originality, and the combinations are not those of a master. An anthem, properly so called, is one of the noblest productions which music is capable of producing; and, if the piece here presented to us under that title, merited the denomination, we should not withhold our applause.

A Duett for Two Performers on One Piano forte. Composed and dedicated to Miss Sarce, by I. G. Graeff. 5s.

This duett, in which Mr. Graeff has introduced the popular Scotch air" Pinky House," comprises three movements. The subject of the first is marked with originality, and the concluding rondo is lively and engaging. "Pinky House" is one of those melodies in which a few

notes are made to tell a pretty and interesting tale; and Mr. S. has treated them as if he comprehended the simplicity of their character, and knew how to augment and adorn, without disgui sing.

Twelve Rondos, Marches, &c. selected from the Works of Mozart, and arranged for the Piano forte; by S. F. Rimbault.

The public are obliged to Mr. Rimbault for this useful little collection from the treasures of Mozart. It is obviously formed for the use of young practitioners, and will not fail to be as acceptable to their ear as improving to their finger. Mr. R. has indeed been so judicious in his choice, as to have brought together as many of the familiar beauties of Mozart as could possibly be comprised in the present pages.

A favourite Sonata for the Piano-forte, with an Accompaniment for the Flute or Violin. Composed and dedicated to Miss Frances Sheer, by James Hook, Esq. 2s.

Mr. Hook has displayed in this sonata, much of his well-known ingenuity. The thoughts are sprightly, are intermixed with some ingenious imitations, and flow with great ease and natural effect. This is our description of the first movement: the second is a minuet, ondantino, and is elegant in its style, though lively, unlaboured, and free of studied ornament.

Afavourite March and Irish Step for the Pianoforte; composed by H. R. Bishop. 1s.

This march is striking in its subject, and is conducted with spirit. Its character is of a light cast, but martial; and bears throughout evident marks of real talent, as well as of the possession of the secrets of good composition. L'Assemblée, or Forty-eight elegant new Dances for the Year 1813, arranged for the Pianoforte or Harp. 3s.

These dances, which have single and doubled figures to each, by Mr. Wilson, possess considerable life and animation. More variety than is usual in collections of this kind, forms one of the features of the publication, and marks the inventive fancy of the composer.

"The Voice of ber I Love," a Ballad sung with universal applause by Mr. Braham, at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane. Written and arranged by John Parry. 1s. 6d. "The Voice of her I Love," is a pleasing and interesting little ballad, It has been introduced by Mr. Braham in the Castle of Andalusia with great and deserved success. The air is regular and connected,