ELOQUENCE OF CHATHAM.

495 has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage? To call into civilized alliance the wild and inhuman savage of the woods; to delegate to the merciless Indian, the defence of disputed rights; and to wage the horrors of his barbarous war against our brethren? My lords, these enormities cry aloud for redress and punishment; unless thoroughly done away, it will be a stain on the national character — it is a violation of the constitution I believe it is against the law. Nor is it the least of our misfortunes, that the strength and character of our army are thus impaired - infected with the mercenary spirit of robbery and rapine-familiarized to the horrid scenes of savage cruelty, it can no longer boast of the noble and generous principles which dignify a soldier; no longer sympathize with the dignity of the royal banner, nor feel the 'pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, that makes ambition virtue.' What makes ambition virtue? - the sense of honour. But is the sense of honour consistent with a spirit of plunder, or the practice of murder? Can it flow from mercenary motives, or can it prompt to cruel deeds? Besides these murderers and plunderers, let me ask our ministers, what other allies they have acquired? What other powers have they associated to their cause. Have they entered into an alliance with the King of the Gipsies? Nothing, my lords, is too low or too ludicrous to be consistent with their counsels."

He then expressed his desire that the struggle should not end in the dismemberment of the British empire; but warned the ministers of the consequences of persevering in the American war. He attacked the ministry personally, and seemed astonished at their remaining in office. He recommended to the ministry to retreat from office, lest the punishment they deserved should fall upon them. In conclusion, he proposed an amendment to the address, recommending an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both

countries.

496

DEBATE IN THE LOWER HOUSE.

Lord Chatham was replied to by Sandwich, first lord of the admiralty, who merely explained the relations of Great Britain and France, and who was followed by Lord Camden, in an able speech, expressive of his opinion that if the war were prosecuted to the issue of this alternative, shall America be subdued, or shall she render herself independent? — he would wish for independence, because he thought that the subjugation of America by force of arms must be followed by the enslavement of England.

The Duke of Richmond followed in support of Chatham's amendment, and was answered by Lord Suffolk, in a speech in favour of the ministerial project of employing Indians against the colonists. His observations drew forth another burst of fiery eloquence from the great mover of the amendment, who closed his remarks, in order that the question might be taken on the amendment, which was lost by a vote of eightyfour to twenty-eight.

In the House of Commons, the Marquis of Granby made a similar motion, which was seconded in an able speech, by Lord John Cavendish. Lord North kept his majority together, notwithstanding the spirited opposition, who could only get eighty-six votes against two hundred and forty-three on the ministerial address.

The opposition members in both houses determined to call for a committee on the state of the nation, and this the ministers readily granted; but when the motion for papers was made, they were indignantly refused. On the occasion of the debate, Lord North and Lord George Germaine were made the butt of the witticisms of the great orators, Fox and Burke. The latter humorously and forcibly compared North to the pigmy physician" appointed to watch over the health of Sancho Panza, who had placed before him a table most plentifully provided; but saw every dish snatched away, on various pretences, by the order of that functionary, before he could get a mouthful.

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Fox followed Burke's example, and said that as the fat and good-natured North had been compared to the court-physician

of Sancho Panza, he likened the haughty, starch, and imperious Lord George Germaine, the chief manager of American affairs, to Doctor Sangrado. "For two years," said he, "that a certain noble lord has presided over American affairs, the most violent scalping, tomahawking measures have been pursued. Bleeding has been his only prescription. If a people, deprived of their ancient rights, are grown tumultuous-bleed them! If they are attacked with a spirit of insurrection bleed them! If their fever should rise into rebellion - bleed them! cries this state physician: more blood: more blood: still more blood! When Doctor Sangrado had persevered in

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498

DEBATE CONTINUED.

a similar practice of bleeding his patients, killing by the very means he used for a cure, his man took the liberty of remonstrating on the necessity of relaxing in a practice to which thousands of their patients had fallen sacrifices, and which was beginning to bring their name into disrepute. The doctor answered, I believe we have carried the matter a little too far; but you must know, I have written a book on the efficacy of this practice; therefore, though every patient we have should die by it, we must continue bleeding, for the credit of my book!" In this comparison, the resemblance will not appear the less apt, when the reader remembers that Lord George Germaine had considerable fame as a pamphleteer, and was at that time one of the reputed authors of "Junius's Letters.'

Notwithstanding the efforts of the opposition members to procure official papers, the motion was negatived by a vote of one hundred and seventy-eight to eighty-nine. On the day after this decision, December 3d, news arrived of the surrender of Burgoyne, and the popular idea was that ministers would be driven from their posts, to make room for those who had so long opposed them. In the afternoon of that day, Colonel Barré rose in the House of Commons, and asked Lord George Germaine what news he had received by his last expresses from Quebec ; and called upon him to tell him, upon his honour, what had become of General Burgoyne and his brave army.

The haughty secretary was constrained to confess that he had received the unhappy intelligence; adding, however, that it was not official, and had not yet been authenticated. It had been brought, he said, by express from Quebec, where it had been received from Ticonderoga, to which place it had been carried by the reports of deserters. It was, he observed, a most unfortunate affair; but he expressed a hope that the house would suspend its judgment; declaring, in a cold, self-satisfied tone, that, if he had been in fault in planning the expedition, he was there to answer for it.

Barré then said that the man who planned so rash and incoherent an expedition was alone to blame. Charles Fox,

Burke, and others, continued the attack, and vividly described the loss and disgrace the British arms had sustained. The solicitor-general, Wedderburn, attempted to check the torrent of words which were thus poured into the ears of the ministers; and Lord North moved the business of the day, which was to vote supplies; observing that these were indispensable, whether the war was to be prolonged, or a peace concluded.

On the 5th of December, Chatham moved for the production of copies of all orders and instructions sent to LieutenantGeneral Burgoyne. A long and tedious debate followed, upon the subject of the employment of Indian allies in America,