mourning, had been wedded to Darnley, now Duke of Albany, and proclaimed as king. Against this marriage her brother, Murray, was an open and avowed rebel. And why was he a rebel? For love of the Trew Kirk and the Protestant cause? A year ago (July 13, 1564) Murray had written to Cecil that the Kirk was in no danger from Lennox, "seeing we have the favour of our prince, and liberty of our conscience in such abundance as heart can wish." 86 Liberty of conscience he still enjoyed, and, if he had lost Mary's favour, his own conduct was to blame. 8 See all the evidence in Hay Fleming, pp. 312-315, and Pollen, Negotiations, pp. 164-167. "Randolph to Cecil, February 28, Calendar, i. 685. 10 August 20, Calendar, ii. 19, 20. Spanish Calendar, Eliz., i. 332-334, 345, 347. 11 Cf. Knox, vi. 540. 12 Calendar, ii. 7. 13 Randolph to Cecil, February 28, Calendar, i. 685; ii. 11. Knox, ii. 373. 14 Laing, Knox, ii. 374, note 2. 15 Act. Parl. Scot., ii. 534-545; Knox, in the Parliament, ii. 381, 385. 16 Calendar, i. 693. Elizabeth to Mary in favour of Lennox, Calendar, ii. 14. 17 Calendar, ii. 19. 18 Murray to Cecil, September 23, Calendar, ii. 22. 19 Calendar, ii. 24, 25. 21 October 8, Knox, ii. 395-397. 22 Hume Brown, ii. 198. 20 Knox, ii. 391. 23 Knox, ii. 394. 24 Some have supposed a certain Mary Hamilton, hanged for infanticide at the Court of Peter the Great, to be the heroine of the ballad; but, for many reasons, this appears impossible. 25 Calendar, ii. 113, 125; Knox, ii. 415. 27 Laing, in Knox, ii. 415, note 3. 28 December 31, Randolph to Cecil, Calendar, ii. 33. 26 Calendar, ii. 133. 29 Randolph to Cecil, February 21, 1564, Calendar, ii. 43. 30 Knox to Cecil, October 6, 1563. 31 Calendar, ii. 61. 33 Calendar, ii. 67, July 13. 32 Hay Fleming, p. 96. 34 Calendar, ii. 61, 62. 35 Froude, vii. 211; Tytler, vi. 299, 350 (edition 1837); For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 210; Calendar, ii. 76. Mr Froude adds, "Endorsed in Cecil's hand. 'The Queen's Majesty's writing, being sick. September 23." The actual indorsement is, " 23rd September 1564. At St James. The Q. wrytyng to me, being sick. Scotland." 36 October 7, Calendar, ii. 80-S2, Instructions. NOTES. 37 Randolph to Cecil, October 6, 1564, Calendar, ii. 84. 38 Randolph to Cecil, October 24, 1564, Calendar, ii. 85. 39 Randolph to Cecil, February 12, 1565, Calendar, ii. 95, 124, 125. 40 Calendar, ii. 125. 41 Froude, vii. 235-237. 43 Calendar, ii. 118-120. 147 42 See authorities in Hay Fleming, pp. 337, 338. 45 Keith, iii. 330. A set of notes in Cecil's hand. 46 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 316, March 17, 1565. 48 Calendar, ii. 133. 44 Calendar, ii. 128. 47 Keith, ii. 268-275. 49 Knox, ii. 422. 50 Bedford to Cecil, April 18, For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 338. 51 Teulet, ii. 35, 36. 52 Labanoff, vii. 67. See Pollen, "Negotiations," pp. lxxiv, lxxv. 53 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 349, 350. 55 Froude, vii. 247. 54 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 346. 56 M. Philippson says that May 24 is a misreading for March 24, but, writing himself on March 24, Bedford could not say "day" is given him to come by the 24th March (Philippson, ii. 333). 57 Hay Fleming, p. 359. Dr Hay Fleming says that Bothwell was put to the horn, citing Pitcairn's "Criminal Trials," i. 462*. But Knox's continuator and Randolph (May 3, 1565, Cal. For. Eliz., vii. 351) declare that Mary prevented the horning (Knox, ii. 479). 58 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 306, 312, 314, 319, 320, 327, 340, 341, 347, 351. 59 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 351. 61 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 369. 60 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 357, 358. 62 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 366. 63 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 366-372; Calendar, ii. 152-168. 64 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 464. 66 Labanoff, i. 300-302. 68 Calendar, ii. 175-177. 70 Knox, ii. 484. 65 Calendar, ii. 172-174. 67 Calendar, ii. 175. 69 Keith, ii. 300, Randolph's letter of July 2. 71 Buchanan, fol. 208. 72 Knox, ii. 485, 486; Calendar, ii. 178, 179. 73 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 414. 75 Keith, ii. 307. 77 Labanoff, i. 304, 305. 79 Privy Council Register, i. 341, 342. 81 Keith, ii. 317, 318. 83 Calendar, ii. 181; Stevenson, p. 118. 85 Register of Privy Council, i. 349, 350. 74 Stevenson, Illustrations, p. 118. 76 Keith, ii. 309. 78 See Hay Fleming, pp. 354-356. 80 Knox, ii. 487. 82 Keith, ii. 326, 327. 84 For. Cal. Eliz., vii. 408. CHAPTER VII. THE TWO MURDERS. 1565-1567. THE dances and delights of the marriage being ended, Mary had to face Elizabeth's new envoy, Tamworth, and to secure support against her rebel lords, now in Argyll. She strengthened herself by restoring, in some degree, Huntly's son, Lord George, to Huntly's estate and government in the North. She also recalled Bothwell, who did not arrive till September 17, bringing with him, as shall be seen, the beginnings of a feud with Lennox and Darnley. Just before Murray's forfeiture Tamworth arrived in Edinburgh: on August 11 he reports that "I must send to Berwick for the money I left there, and deliver it to those here appointed by Murray to receive it." 1 As Elizabeth later denied that she had aided Mary's rebels, it is well to prove her mendacity out of her envoy's own mouth. Tamworth communicated Elizabeth's remonstrances, partly as to Mary's personal treatment of herself, partly against a change in religion. She declared that she had heard of a plot to murder Murray, and bade Mary not to summon him "before his mortal enemies."2 Mary replied with spirit. She thought no prince would "desire reckoning or account" of her marriage. If Elizabeth behaved uncousinly, she had other friends. and allies,―other broken reeds, her foreign kindred. She had never meddled with English affairs, and begged Elizabeth not to meddle with hers. As to religion, she had made no innovation, nor meant to make any, save by advice of her subjects. (Note that if her good subjects, in Parliament, advised alteration, in a Catholic direction, Mary might accept their counsel.) Murray, she said, was her subject, and she warned Elizabeth not to interfere. She herself had not interfered when Lady Lennox was imprisoned. Promises followed. During Elizabeth's life, and that of her issue, Mary and SCANDAL ABOUT RICCIO (1565). 149 Darnley would attempt nothing prejudicial to their title; or intrigue with English subjects, or receive English rebels, or confederate with any foreign prince against England. Any fair alliance with England they would accept. If they ever succeeded to the English Crown, they would not alter the religion. All these promises, however, were conditional. Elizabeth must recognise Mary, and failing her and her issue, Lady Lennox and her issue, as her heirs, failing issue of Elizabeth's. Elizabeth must not deal with Scottish subjects, or abet Scottish rebels, or ally herself with foreign Powers against Scotland. Further details are left to commissioners. Poor Tamworth, refusing to accept a safe-conduct signed by Darnley as "king," was arrested on the Border at Hume Castle. Mary was now probably her own adviser. James Balfour,-later Sir James, Knox's fellow-oarsman in the galleys,—with Riccio, is spoken of as most potent in her councils, and later, he was one of the basest of her betrayers. But probably she trusted to her own high heart. She daunted Elizabeth, and after Knox had preached at very enormous length against her in presence of Darnley, she suspended, or tried to suspend, him from preaching for three weeks 5 (August 19). She reissued the proclamation against change in religion till Parliament should meet, and she summoned her forces for various dates. She warned Randolph that she knew his dealings with her rebels. On August 26 she went to Linlithgow, and began her hunt of Murray and his accomplices. She would rather lose her crown, she told Randolph, than not be avenged on Murray. This he ascribed to private grudge, and perhaps may hint that Murray was aware that she was Riccio's mistress. Randolph wrote thus on August 27. He had long dwelt on her infatuation for Darnley. Mary was but a bride of a month; was she, in Randolph's opinion, already perhaps an adulteress? Bedford made the same insinuation as early as September 19.6 On October 16, 1565, de Foix reports from London that he asked Elizabeth why Mary hated Murray,-as if his ingratitude and open rebellion were not cause enough! Elizabeth, after a pause, answered that it was because Mary had learned "that Murray had wanted to hang an Italian named David whom she loved and favoured, giving him more credit and authority than were consistent with her interest and honour."7 The fair subject of these slanders was meanwhile driving her rebels up and down the country. When Mary reached Glasgow, Murray retired on Paisley, and thence to Hamilton. Here a fight was expected, and it is curious 150 MARY PURSUES MURRAY. "Mary carried Now Randolph. to note Mr Froude's account of the affair. pistols in hand, and pistols at her saddle-bow." mentions a rumour of this kind, but adds, "I take it for a tale." "Her one peculiar hope was to encounter and destroy her brother," says Mr Froude, apparently holding that Mary carried her apocryphal pistols for this fratricidal purpose. "A fight was looked for at Hamilton, where" (as Mr Froude quotes Randolph's letter of September 4) "a hundred gentlemen of her party determined to set on Murray in the battle, and either slay him or tarry behind lifeless." "18 Randolph said nothing of this kind: he said the very reverse. The passage is thus given in the 'Calendar of State Papers': "A c. gentlemen are determined to set upon hym in the battayle self whear soever the Queenes howsband be, and ether to slaye hym" (Darnley, Mr Bain adds in a note) "or tarrie behynde lyveles amongeste them." "Other devices there are for this" (that is, for slaying Darnley), "as hard to be executed as the other. this continue, they" (the rebels) "trust not a little in the queen's majesty's support"-that is, in the support of Elizabeth. Mary has so much to answer for that historians need not attribute to her party the homicidal designs of her opponents. Murray's men were sworn to kill Darnley, not Mary's men to kill Murray. If There was no fight at Hamilton or elsewhere. On the night of August 30 Murray, Châtelherault, Glencairn, Rothes, Boyd, and the rest rode into Edinburgh. Erskine (now Earl of Mar) fired on them from the castle. The Brethren would not join them, even for pay. "The Calvinist shopkeepers who could be so brave against a miserable priest had no stomach for a fight with armed men," says Mr Froude. The Lords kept asking Bedford to send them English musketeers: none were sent. On September 2 they fled before. dawn, only escaping Mary by favour of a tempest which changed burns into rivers and delayed her march. "And albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the queen's courage increased manlike, so much that she was ever with the foremost," says Knox or his continuator. The Lords retired on Dumfries, where they lay for three weeks, while Mary raised forced loans, and took in hand the godly towns of Dundee and St Andrews, while securing Glasgow from Argyll. Her main need was money, and on September 10 she sent Yaxley, an English retainer of Darnley's, to solicit help from the King of Spain.10 She announced that she would maintain "the liberty of the Church," and that she wished to resist the estab |