196

MARY ESCAPES FROM LOCHLEVEN.

though rarely, and at peril of her life. On May I she wrote entreating aid from Elizabeth and Catherine de' Medici. She had no opportunity save at the dinner-time of the Douglas family, "for their girls sleep with me." Her friend, George Douglas, had been banished from the islet after her failure to escape (March 25) in the disguise of a laundress. Her letters were sent on the eve of her escape, on May 2. The romantic details-the stealing of the keys by "little Douglas" (William, a foundling lad of seventeen); the casting by him of the keys "to the kelpie's keeping"; the landing, under the protection of George Douglas; the meeting with Bothwell's kinsman, Hepburn of Riccartoun, who was sent, too late, to secure Dunbar; the wild ride to Seton's house of Longniddry, and the tryst with the queen's party at Hamilton-are too well known to need a minute narrative. If we believe Claude Nau, the queen's secretary, the key was thrown into the mouth of a cannon, natheless the keys were long after recovered from the lake. It seems probable that the lady of Lochleven, Murray's mother, was no stranger to the plot.

Murray at once summoned the king's party to meet at Glasgow. He collected the forces of the Protestant lords in general, though Argyll was with Mary. There exists a curious proclamation, drawn up by her or for her at all events it is attributed to her. Murray is referred to as a "beastly" and "bastard" traitor: the Hamiltons are "that good House of Hamilton." The language used about Lethington is copious and florid. Yet at this date (May 6) Lethington and the other "beastly traitor" were reported to be on bad terms.58 Probably the proclamation is a hoax, or never was issued, Dr Hay Fleming publishes a reasonable and clement proclamation of May 5.59 Willingly, or unwillingly (accounts differ), Mary on May 13 tried the ordeal of battle. She approached Glasgow, on her way to the strong Castle of Dumbarton; she was met at Langside, and the tactics of Kirkcaldy, the better discipline of Murray's men, and a fit of epilepsy or cowardice on the part of Argyll, caused her entire defeat. Murray occupied Langside Hill, "the western division of Queen's Park" to-day; while Kirkcaldy, mounting 200 musketeers behind horsemen for better speed, stationed these marksmen under cover in the cottages and enclosures of Langside village. Murray followed with his infantry, his left wing extending behind the farm of Pathhead. The right wing held the village of Langside, at the crest of the Lang Loan. Mary had been anticipated in

MARY DEFEATED AT LANGSIDE.

197 seizing the hill, and from Clincart Hill there began an artillery duel. Under cover of the fire the Hamiltons, first passing behind Clincart Hill, advanced to storm the village, supported by the cavalry under Lord Herries, Warden of the Western Marches. Drumlanrig led Murray's horse against Herries, who had one successful and one disastrous charge. Routed by the archers, Herries could not aid the Hamiltons, who, climbing the long narrow lane, were galled by Murray's musketeers. Finally the infantry of both parties drove at each other with levelled spears, so serried, owing to the narrow space, that the missiles thrown, pistols and daggers, lay as on a floor of interlaced lance-shafts. Kirkcaldy led fresh troops from the village, charged the Hamiltons on front and flank, and drove them pell-mell downhill on the queen's main body. The rout began, slaughter being checked by the activity and clemency of Murray. Many prisoners were taken, such as Seton and the Masters of Eglinton and Cassilis. Knox's father-in-law, Lord Ochiltree, and his successor in the affections of Mrs Knox, Ker of Faldonside, were severely wounded. From the Court Knowe of Cathcart, a hundred yards from Cathcart Castle, Mary probably looked on at her own defeat.60

Mary fled south to Herries's country, covering sixty miles in the first day, and writing to Elizabeth from Dundrennan on May 15. She implored leave to visit Elizabeth at once: next day she most unadvisedly crossed the Solway to Workington, accompanied by Herries, George Douglas, and fourteen others. She had entered without a passport the realm of her deadliest foe: the rest of her life was a long imprisonment. From this hour Mary became a kind of centre on which concentrated every wave of all the electric forces of European politics. Nothing could stir, in France, Spain, Rome, England, or Scotland, but it offered her chances. It is not possible, in our space, even to condense the record of each of the hourly wavering policies. The position was, and remained, one of extraordinary perplexity. But one point was fixed, in Elizabeth's name, from the first. "Let none of them escape While Mary lay in Carlisle, first under Lowther, then under Knollys, acting for Northumberland, Cecil drew up balanced memorials which contain the pros and cons of the situation. Mary deserved help as a voluntary suppliant who had received many promises of aid. Her subjects had seized and condemned her unheard. She offers to acquit herself of Darnley's death in Elizabeth's presence. No private person

!" 61

198

ELIZABETH'S DIPLOMACY.

even should be condemned unheard. She offers to accuse her subjects. But she is guilty of all the sins imputed to her.62

If she were, we may say, that was no affair to be judged by Elizabeth. England was reasserting the old claim of Edward I. to judge Balliol, and that, of all things, would most infuriate the Scots. Mary was asking for one of two things: a personal meeting with Elizabeth, when she would exculpate herself, or leave to go free and seek aid elsewhere. It was highly unjust and dishonourable to reject both pleas, but it was inevitably expedient. If set free, she might go to France and revive the old claim to the English crown, an offence unexpiated and unforgiven. The ancient league would be restored: French forces would again enter Scotland Protestantism in both countries would be endangered. If she returned to Scotland, under whatever limitations, the dangers to England were manifest. If she remained in England, she would make a party among the Catholics, and revive her claim to the crown, while France or Spain might intervene. Such were the three courses; and the last alternative, to keep Mary prisoner, was resolved upon as manifestly the least dangerous. But this policy might be less unfavourably coloured by drawing Mary into any kind of suit against her rebels. Before Elizabeth Mary must not be heard in person: her subjects must be heard; and Mary might be so much discredited, without injuring the common cause of royalty by a verdict of "Guilty," that she would be ruined in the eyes of Catholics. But how was Mary to be led into consenting to any kind of trial before Elizabeth? Clearly by leading her to believe that an appeal to Elizabeth could only end in her restoration.

On May 28 she accredited Herries to Elizabeth, and sent Fleming, in the hope that he would be allowed to go to France. This Elizabeth forbade : Fleming was captain of Dumbarton Castle, the French gate to Scotland. As to Herries's mission, Elizabeth (June 8) told Mary that she could not see her till her case was clear. "You put in my hands the handling of this business." Now Mary had only said (May 28) that she desired an interview with Elizabeth, and to tell her the truth, "against all their lies." 63 To Murray, on June 8, Elizabeth wrote that Mary "is committing the ordering of her cause to us." She then bade Murray drop military and legal proceedings against Mary's adherents, which he did not do. Herries was led to believe that Elizabeth "intends to proceed in my sovereign's cause.' "64 One

MARY IS DECEIVED.

199

Middlemore was now sent to see Mary, and go on to Murray. As Mary found his messages dilatory and discouraging, she avowed that she "had no judge but God." Elizabeth was allowing Murray to come, as an accuser, into her presence. Mary, the accused, she would not admit. Mary expressed her desire to meet Lethington and Morton, before Elizabeth, face to face.65 She openly said that she would prove the guilt of Lethington and Morton as to Darnley. Nothing of her prayers was ever granted: the entire proceedings were a tissue of duplicity and dishonour. Mary's attitude throughout is expressed in one line, "I have offered you Westminster Hall." There, before the peers of England and the foreign ambassadors, she would retort on and expose her guilty accusers. She would accuse her rebels face to face, but she would not plead her own cause against Yet she drifted into the shuffling inquiry which followed. Leaving Carlisle, Middlemore joined Murray, who was persecuting Herries and Lochinvar in Galloway. Murray informed Elizabeth that, as she meant to hold a solemn trial, he and his allies were loath to accuse their queen. But what would Elizabeth do if they proved their case? Would the casket letters, of which he had sent a Scots translation, by John Wood, his retainer, be held as full proof if the originals, when presented, agreed with the translations.66 Murray's proposal is of June 22. On June 19 du Croc reported that Elizabeth had publicly discoursed with Herries. She said that she was determined to restore Mary, or reconcile her to her lords. She therefore wished each party to send to her one commissioner. Herries said that he did not think Mary, a sovereign herself, would accept Elizabeth as a judge. He was ready to assent to a visit by Murray and Morton. They would be answered, if they spoke of the murder.67 On June 28 Herries wrote to Mary. Elizabeth had said that she would never act as judge, but would do for her what she would do for herself. (restore her), or make a reconciliation. At a meeting with Elizabeth (June 22) Herries made (and he reports to Mary) this strange inquiry: "Madame, if, which God forbid, there were appearance otherwise" (namely, against Mary's innocence), "what then ?" "Still," said Elizabeth, "I would do my best for a reconciliation, consistent with her honour and safety."68 Nothing, of course, can raise a stronger presumption of Mary's guilt than Herries's "s'il y'avoit autrement? que Dieu ne veuille!"

But Mary now thought herself safe, Elizabeth, in any case, would befriend her, and thus she drifted into an arrangement which she

200

RIVAL DUPLICITY OF MARY.

:

expected to end in a compromise to be managed by Elizabeth for her restoration. Under this delusion she submitted to what she could not resist, removal from Carlisle, so near the freedom of the friendly Border, to Bolton, near York, where neither Buccleuch nor Ferniehirst could rescue her. Thither she was taken by Knollys on July 13. The least disreputable of Bothwell's friends, Riccartoun, attended her at Carlisle one of Bothwell's lambs, one of the actual murderers, "Black Ormiston," had been wont to visit her-so Willock averred. She had not yet cast off Bothwell. In precisely the same way a member of the band to murder Darnley was in favour with Murray, to the general disgust.69 While she now amused Knollys and Elizabeth by playing at Anglicanism, and at a purpose to substitute the surplice, in Scotland, for the Genevan gown; while she was writing in half-friendly fashion even to Murray, she was at the same time appealing for aid to all Christian princes; she was assuring the Queen of Spain that her presence in England helped the Catholic cause, which she would. never desert; and, in an hour of wild hope of French assistance, she was urging her Scottish partisans to secure her child, and take and slay her chief enemies.70 We are not to ask for sincerity from a betrayed prisoner, but we may admire the dauntless confidence of Mary in her emissaries. Herries was communicating to Huntly the terms on which he expected Elizabeth to pilot Mary through the breakers, "after this reasoning" with Murray or his commissioners (July 31). Scotland was an armed anarchy, barely checked by Elizabeth's and Mary's orders for a provisional peace. But Murray held his Parliament on August 16, forfeited Hepburns and Hamiltons, safeguarded himself for his sale of Mary's personal property, her jewels, and passed persecuting statutes.71

Mary appointed Châtelherault, still in France, as her lieutenant of her realm. "Howsoever I be kept a prisoner," she told Knollys, "yet my party will stand fast against my lord of Murray." 72 Not a jot did she bate of hope or heart: she was in the toils of Elizabeth and of Fate, but she could only be tamed by death. "Sincere" she was not who could be sincere when matched with the inveterate mendacity of Elizabeth? Mr Froude observes: "To the French Ambassador, to de Silva, and Lord Herries, Elizabeth distinctly and repeatedly said that at all events, and whatever came of the investigation, the Queen of Scots should be restored. She made this positive declaration because, without it, the Queen of