6

THE CALL OF KNOX.

tered in the churches of Scotland." 17 The ceremony called "fencing the tables" must have been omitted, for, as Keith says, the "Castilians ran into all the vices which idle persons are subject to. . . . Whoredoms, adulteries, and depredations with fire and sword" are included. This "corrupt life," as Knox calls it, was not abated by the sermons which he presently began to preach. He had already catechised his pupils-"he read unto them a catechism"-in the parish church of the Holy Trinity, in South Street. He also lectured on the Gospel of St John in the chapel of the castle. He was presently called on by John Rough, hitherto the chaplain of the unruly castle congregation, to take on himself the office of preacher. He wept, under a sense of the solemnity of the occasion, his "only consecration to his office." Next Sunday, preaching before the University, he "identified the Church of Rome with the Man of Sin, with Antichrist, and the Whore of Babylon." His authority was the seventh chapter of Daniel and "the New Testa ment." The Archbishop bade Wynram, the sub-prior, interfere; but Wynram (the Vicar of Bray of Scotland) merely disputed feebly with Knox, while a Franciscan friar collapsed under the logic and eloquence of the Reformer. Henceforth he preached effectually on week-days, the parish pulpit being occupied by "Baal's shaven sort" on Sundays. But Knox's preaching cannot have lasted for more than a month or two.

During the truce Henry VIII. had died (January 28, 1547), and Francis II. had followed his old rival (March 31, 1547). On the coronation of Henry II., d'Osel, or d'Oysel, was sent to Scotland; he was a secretis mulierum, says Knox-another stroke at Mary of Guise. In England the Protector, Somerset, was still intriguing with Balnaves, who was to bring over the Scottish nobles to the English marriage of Mary. On March 11, at St Andrews, the fickle Lord Gray came into the project.18 What Gray wanted was the command of Perth, which he would hold for England. Broughty Castle also he promised to betray to them. On the Border Wharton had entrapped the Laird of Johnston, by burning Whamfray and catching the laird in an ambush as he rode to the rescue. Three spears were broken on his armour.19 Langholm was Wharton's hold; an attack on the English in Langholm was, therefore, meditated by Arran in March, while ships from Holy Island were revictualling the Castle of St Andrews, and English ships captured the Lion, a Scottish vessel. In July Arran mustered a great army, "the

THE FRENCH TAKE THE CASTLE.

7

starkest since Flodden," and marched to the Border. The absolution for the slayers of Beaton had arrived before April 2. The besieged mocked at it; "they would rather have a boll of wheat than all the Pope's remissions.” 20 *

But the end of the reign of the Castilians was at hand. While Arran, with a great force, was operating round Langholm on the Border, French galleys were passing northwards along the east coast (July 6). Knox writes that these galleys came round the point into St Andrews Bay "upon the penult day of June," and that the siege lasted for a month.21 But there must be some error. Knox describes the papal remission as shown to the garrison on June 21. We have seen that it was mocked at before April 2. The garrison's technical objection, that the words "we remit the irremissible" were not acceptable, may have been an afterthought, taken later, in June. Knox avers that the Castilians successfully battered the galleons, and that the castle was not invested by land till Arran arrived from the siege of Langhope on the Border. "The trenches were cast, ordnance was planted upon the Abbey Kirk, and upon St Salvator's College, and yet was the steeple thereof burned." Pitscottie says that an Italian engineer in the employ of the Castilians abandoned hope when he saw the French guns "coming down the street alone," drawn by some mechanical arrangement of pulleys. Knox demoralised the garrison by prophesying their fall, their walls "should be but eggshells," "their corrupt life would not escape punishment of God." On the night of July 29, he says, a great breach was effected between the fore tower and the east blockhouse. The castle was surrendered to Leo Strozzi, Prior of Capua, on the last o. July, after an interview between Kirkcaldy and the French commander.

The terms of capitulation are uncertain. Buchanan avers that the garrison bargained only for their lives, "incolumitatem modo pacti." To this Knox (who certainly ought to have known) adds that they were all to be carried to France, while such of them as desired not to "remain in service and freedom there" should be transported to any country except Scotland. They would not acknowledge Arran or any Scottish authority, "for they had all traitorously betrayed them." 22 Mr Tytler does not think that the terms of surrender were violated, and, though Knox ought to have known, his version is frequently contradicted by contemporary * See note at end of chapter, "The Absolution and the Siege," p. 20.

8

DOMESTIC TREACHERY.

papers. The French razed the castle, lest it might fall into English hands. The existing ruins represent the new castle built by Archbishop Hamilton, whose cinqfoils adorn the wall. The contemporary diarist declares that spoil to the value of £100,000 was carried away. Their chief captives the French warded in castles: Knox, with the sons of the detested Laird of Mountquhanie (including Sir James Balfour, later notorious), was sent to the galleys. The adventures of Knox and his companions are later to be touched upon; meanwhile the chief English hold on Scotland was lost, and the most ardent revolutionaries were out of the battle.

Yet Arran's burden was not lightened. He had to face black treachery at home and open preparations for war on the part of England. That Gray and Glencairn were already traitors we know from their letters. Gray, whom the Cardinal had but recently rewarded for his loyalty to the Church, had been bargaining, we saw, to hold Perth for England, and to deliver up Broughty Castle on the Firth of Tay. This important point, commanding the estuary of Tay and the town of Dundee, was presently seized and long held by England. Glencairn, in July, had offered to raise 2000 "assisters and favourers of the Word of God" for English service.23 There were hundreds of "assured Scots" among the nobles and gentry, and Arran knew it. On August 18 the Laird of Langtown wrote to Somerset, "My Lord Bothwell, and many other lords, lairds, and gentlemen, is in as much danger as ever, on account of a Register book found in Master Balnaves' chamber in the Castle of St Andrews, and now in the Governor's custody, with their names and handwriting to support England." There were two hundred of these patriots, all enrolled, including the Earl Marischal, Cassilis, Sir George Douglas, Kilmaurs, and Lord Gray. Bothwell had offered to betray Hermitage Castle in exchange for a rich English marriage.2 So much for domestic treason among the godly and the worldly. In England the despatches of de Selve show that great preparations for war had long been making: on July 23 he describes the English plan of campaign.25 Somerset was bidding Warwick to muster "the army appointed to invade Scotland at Newcastle" on August 24. Seventy or eighty ships and transports were engaged. The army was of 15,000 men.' The traitor Ormistoun informed Somerset that the priests were to send round the Fiery Cross as soon as the Protector crossed the Border, a rare example of this Celtic practice in the Lowlands. Arran, said Ormistoun, would make his

26

24

ENGLISH INVASION.

9

stand at the Peaths, a deep ravine cutting the road north of Berwick (September 2). Probably Ormistoun's letter arrived too late : Somerset entered Scotland on the very day when the renegade wrote.27 But he did not find Arran guarding the dangerous defile. His forces were summoned to Fala Moor for the last of August, when, Glencairn says, but few came in. At this moment Angus was promising to join Lennox and Wharton if they invaded by the west. He did not join them: he fought for Scotland, and, months later, when they returned, after renewed promises on his part, he helped to defeat them.28

Somerset prosecuted the rough wooing with a force of some 16,000 men, while a large fleet attended his progress along the east coast, and Lennox with Wharton was gathering on the western border. Under Somerset the leaders were Warwick, Dacre, Grey of Wilton, and Sadleyr as treasurer. Sir Francis Bryan led 2000 light horse, Sir Ralph Vane commanded 4000 cavalry. Sir Peter Mewtus was at the head of 600 musketeers, or hackbut-men, on foot, and Gamboa, a Spaniard (the Scots had no musketry), was captain of 200 mounted musketeers. Fifteen pieces of heavy artillery were brought into the field, with more than a thousand carts and waggons. The discipline and commissariat were excellent. Yet Somerset "dreamed a weary dream." He fancied that he returned to Court, and was heartily welcomed by Edward, "but yet him thought that he had done nothing at all in this voyage." His dream was fulfilled. He won a great victory; but, as far as his purpose went,-the subjugation of Scotland and the marriage, he did "nothing at all." 29

It was on September 5 that the invaders reached "the Peaths," a deep and narrow ravine of six miles in length, which cut the road at right angles. Direct descent and ascent were practically impossible, a series of paths, worn by wayfarers, ran obliquely down the southern and up the northern side of the dene. The Scots ought to have held this defile; but either because they were not fully mustered, or because Arran knew the treachery of the local barons, they had merely tried to break the paths. The army crossed easily, and were unopposed. On the 8th September Somerset was at Prestonpans. On the 9th his cavalry cut to pieces the Scottish light horse. The Protector then reconnoitred from Faside hill he saw the Scots camped, in four divisions, "like four great fields of ripe barley," in an excellent position. On the south they were flanked by a great marsh, on the east the river Esk protected their

IO

BATTLE OF PINKIE.

front. Their left leaned on the Forth. Somerset determined to occupy with artillery the round hill crowned by Inveresk Church, which commands the river. On his return to camp, says Patten, a judge-martial who was present, Somerset met a Scottish herald, and rejected a challenge from Huntly, and an offer, on Arran's part, to let him retire in peace, on honest conditions. Now Pitscottie and Buchanan aver that during the night Somerset offered to retire, if the Scots would keep Mary at home till she was of nubile years, and then let her choose if she would accept the English wedding. Arran and Archbishop Hamilton, it is said, not only rejected the offer, but spread a report of a provocative and truculent message. Thus their wickedness caused the Scottish ruin at Pinkie.30 This report, unless Somerset changed his mind, is in contradiction with what Patten heard.

The fatal battle of Pinkie Cleugh occurred next day, Somerset being aided by his galleons at the mouth of the Esk. To tell the story briefly: Somerset, moving early to occupy Inveresk hill, was perplexed by finding the Scots across the Esk and nearer the hill. Instead of merely holding it in force, they pushed forward to cut between the English and the sea. The fire of a galleon from the mouth of the Esk scattered the archers of Argyll on the Scottish left, a very long, scarcely credible, range of fire, but well attested. Somerset now hurried his cavalry, in two divisions, to his left, to occupy Faside hill, while his foot, apparently concealed behind a ridge, marched in the same direction more slowly. It was a race for Faside hill between the English cavalry and the Sooo footmen of Angus. The English horse gained the ridge, and charged across a deep ditch and over ploughed land. The Scots met them in the old formation of Falkirk, defeated them, slew many, and shook the English confidence. Shelley fell, Lord Grey was wounded in the mouth. The Bulleners (Boulogne veterans) were cut up: there was a rout, the foot being broken by the flying horse. But the cavalry were re-formed: the ditch in the Scottish front was lined by English musketeers, the guns on Faside hill cut lanes through the Scottish ranks, which were also galled by archers. Just when the Scots gained a full view of the English infantry in position on the hill and plain, they had to face a fresh charge of cavalry. Their formation being shattered by musket and artillery fire, and by their own advance, they broke. The Highlanders were the first to flee. Arran took horse, Angus hid till he found a chance of escape.