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agents, (what quarter they came from, we do not know) in telling them that the king and the princes sent corn to England, These agents are continually running about the country; but as yet, none have been punished-not, at least, in my department.

In short, I say it again, all classes of society are suffering; it is high time that some remedy should be found for the evil which destroys us. Perhaps it might be imprudent to reckon upon another year of resignation. Ön every side our horizon is covered with clouds, the forerunners of a tempest. One would think that from the top of his rock, the man who is the author of our misery, has given the dreadful signal, and that at his voice his agents have begun the execution of the dreadful plan acknowledged by one of them, in a correspondence which we must credit, because we have it from the police minister. ' "All must suffer, that all may unite against these wretches." You know, Gentlemen, who the wretches are.

I agree with those of my friends who have moved as an amendment, that the law may be prorogued to the 1st March next, to give the ministers time to lay before the chambers a definitive law. If this amendment is rejected, I vote against the law.

1 See the letter of Madame Regnault de St, Jean d'Angely, directed to her husband; this letter was intereepted by the police, and made public.

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PAUPERISM bath increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished. These are propositions too true to be controverted, too generally acknowledged, too extensively felt, to be disputed. Woful experience has induced a conviction which places the fact beyond controversy..

The extent of the Poor-rate, and of private benevolence, nearly, if not fully, equal the amount of the national expenditure at the end of the American war; a period when the resources of the country were supposed to be exhausted; when the energies and talents of a Fut were found essential to the salvation, or at least to the revival of the financial resources of the country.



In the interval since that period, the poor-rate has increased from an expenditure of about 2 millions to 10,000,000 a year; and the national expenditure, including the dividends to the public creditor, has increased from about 10 millions to a sum little if any thing short of 70 millions a year. Thus the tax on the industry of the country increased from about 12 mullions to 80 millions annually, or near as 8 to 1; and yet there never at any period was in the country a greater abundance of wealth, or more of the vital powers of prosperity. All that is wanted is good management, and a proper application of these resources. During the period which has been selected, there has ben an increase in the price of labor, and an increase in the price of the means of subsistence; each may be stated have mcreased from 507. to 1007. or to have doubled. The disproportion between the burthen and the means of bearing it is, and is one of the principal causes of pauperism. The Occupier of the soil cannot afford to give extensive employment

at such rates of wages as will enable an industrious man to maintain himself and that number of persons which generally does, and in a well-regulated state ought to constitute his family.

On an average every laboring family must be considered as consisting of 4 persons; in one class, of a husband, a wife, and two children; in another class, of aged parents whose labor is of no value, and of 2 members of the same family able to work and maintain their parents.

In former times, it was the custom of the parents to train their children to a sense of independence; to a shame of resort to the poor-rate. Children were the hope and solace of the industrious laborer: it was his pride, his consolation, to maintain these children in their infancy, in the expectation of support from his children when his own labor should be insufficient to provide him with food. This was an honest feeling, one which every good man would cherish and applaud. Characters of this description are not rare even in these days. Persons of this disposition, and with this feeling, should be protected, and even rewarded. Many of the agricultural societies have displayed their wisdom in giving premiums to industrious laborers who have maintained themselves and families without any resort to the poor-rate. The feeling was even with many carried beyond this life, and this feeling is not universally extinguished: it provided the means of discharging the expenses of the funeral, that the surviving members of the family might not be degraded by a funeral at the expense of the parish. Most of the Friendly Societies of early date gave scope to this feeling, and acted on it, by providing a contribution to defray the expenses of the funeral of its members.

In this the most healthy and well understood, the vital part of the community, a smaller proportion of members to a family would not keep up a proper and useful state of population. A well-constituted population is the best strength of a country; it constitutes more substantial wealth than capital or machinery, the favorites of those who promote the present order of things.

Restraints on marriage, to prevent an increase of members in the lower orders of society, are a sin against God and man; a shortsighted policy; the resort of weak minds, which are contented with half-measures, which legislate for the day; abandoning that broad principle which looks to the future, and views and treats population as the best wealth of a country. " ****

A law which converts males into eunuchs would in a moral point of view be less abhorrent to the rights of man and his duty towards society, than a prohibition, or a restraint operating as a prohibition, against marriage. The sin against God is obvious. While the divine law requires man to increase and multiply, human laws cannot, with propriety, counteract or check the exercise of this duty.

Can man be suffered to possess the faculties, the passions of man, and be denied a proper and natural exercise of them? To restrain the lawful intercourse of the sexes, is to give their passions a direction to unnatural vices, and to the most abominable sins; to make a land, famed for its liberty, a land infamous for its vices, a Sodom and a Gomorrah; deserving the inflictions of a just Providence who looks with equal eye on the poor and on the rich; on those who must earn their bread by their labor and the sweat of their brów, and those who, either by the industry or more fortunate exertions of their ancestors, are to give employment to labor, by a due application of their wealth. Dismiss then the nonsense, nay, the crime of diminishing pauperism by restraints on marriage: let the public also discard their expectations of any speedy or certain result from the saving banks. Pauperism advances with the speed of a hare, while the saving banks will keep pace with the tortoise; and unfortunately pauperism will not be guilty of the error by which the saving banks may gain the race. That part of the system of the saving banks by which the accumulations of individuals are brought to the metropolis from the distant parts of the country, and invested in the funds, instead of administering to the circulation of money and the employment of labor in those distant parts, will cause more pauperism than it will prevent. "These small sums were of infinite use in the country: they were the funds which aided and assisted the capital of the smaller tradesmen, manufacturers, farmers, &c.; while the saving banks, right as the principle may be in itself, superior as the security may be to the individual subscribers, will paralyse the industry of the country. The system increases the evil, that the metropolis is too rich, in a state of apoplexy, while the parts distant from the metropolis are too poor, wanting circulation at the extremities. The metropolis, through the medium of taxation, draws the circulating medium from the country, before the country can afford to pay it. Hence the great change produced by the peace. The war returned the produce of taxation, &c. to the country; peace withheld this advantage. Many counties in the kingdom are now reduced to the condition, that each of these counties annually pays more in taxation than the value of all the produce of the county which is sent out of the county: or, in more intelligible terms, the balance is against the county, and pauperism increases in a rapid progression. The sums paid out of the county, including the taxes, exceed the sum brought into the county: these observations apply to those counties which are wholly, or in a great degree agricultural, and in a more particular manner to those districts which do not raise more corn than is necessary for their consumption, and whose surplus cattle is not equal to their taxes. This state of things is beyond all doubt

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