the two native factions, the Germans and Americans in Apia. So critical indeed had the situation become, that the various consulates were converted into veritable fortresses for the refuge of their citizens.

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After a series of inconclusive skirmishes between the forces of Mataafa and Tamasese, Dr. Knappe, the German Consul (Becker had been recalled), decided upon a final stroke, to disarm and probably capture Mataafa. In the small hours of the morning of December 18, 1888, a force of 150 marines was silently landed from the German war vessel and was proceeding inland when suddenly the woods became alive with Mataafa warriors. The squad of bluejackets only retired after a desperate struggle, leaving 50 dead and wounded in the jungle. The following telegram reached Washington soon after :

Three war ships undertaken to disarm Mataafa. Landed at night force to prevent retreat. Mataafa's men fired on and forced to fight. Germans routed. Twenty killed, thirty wounded. Germans swear vengeance. Shelling and burning indiscriminately regardless of American property. Protest unheeded. Natives exasperated. Foreigners' lives and property in greatest danger. Germans respect no neutral territory. Americans in boats flying. American flag seized in Apia harbor by armed German boats, but released. Admiral with squadron necessary immediately.

The Mataafans were jubilant. They had made a great and valuable discovery, as had the Caribs of Porto Rico when they held a Spaniard under water to discover whether or not white men bore a charmed life.

If the relations between the Anglo-Saxons and Teutons in Apia had been bad before, they now became worse. Herr Knappe accused the American and English consuls of complicity in the massacre of German soldiers, and a volume of native testimony was adduced to prove the charge. Whatever might be the value of a native oath, it is certain that the English Consul, Mr. de Coetlogon, did not give a signal to the natives at the time of the landing of marines from the Adler,

and it is equally certain that the American Vice-Consul, Mr. Blacklock, did not set a trap for the luckless German blue-jackets. The infuriated Knappe, goaded to desperation by the miscarriage of his plans, determined upon immediate revenge, and he prepared for an active campaign against Mataafa. He began by proclaiming martial law over Apia, including Americans and English under its operation. They declined to heed the proclamation. Such were the social conditions in Apia at this trying period, that when the British Consul protested against German martial law over his subjects, Dr. Knappe replied: "I have had the honor of receiving your Excellency's agreeable communication of to-day. Since, on the ground of received instructions, martial law has been declared in Samoa, British subjects, as well as others, fall under its application. I warn you, therefore, to abstain from such a proclamation as you announce in your letter. It will be such a piece of business as shall make yourself answerable under martial law. Besides, your proclamation will be disregarded."

Accounts of the desperate condition of affairs in Apia needed none of the usual colorings of sensational journalism to excite the people of the United States. In its plain, unvarnished recital it was sufficient to create alarm; Germany had broken her pledge; the American flag had practically been fired upon. War with Germany was seriously discussed. The truth of the war rumors which spread over the country was apparently corroborated, both by the firm attitude of the government at Washington, and by the immediate reënforcement of the American fleet in Samoa.

In answer to Vice-Consul Blacklock's stirring cable, Admiral Kimberly was hurriedly sent to Apia. He arrived on the U. S. S. Trenton, in March (1889), and found a formidable array of warships anchored in the harbor, all cleared for action and awaiting developments. Upon this bellicose scene, a bolt, as from heaven, fell. The imagination could supply no more dramatic sequel to this gathering of warships. A hurricane (March 16) destroyed all the vessels in the harbor save one, the Calliope (English),

R

which, after a memorable battle against the elements, succeeded in safely steaming out to sea. In the common disaster, all belligerents forgot their quarrels and animosities; Mataafans hastened to the relief of German sailors, and Tamaseses heroically rescued Americans. The power of Germany and of the United States in Samoa was thus suddenly and utterly broken. The great storm cleansed and sweetened the torrid air of Apia. Seemingly, providence, according to its own methods, had undertaken to cure the Samoan distemper. Before this terrible catastrophe had arrived, however, the Samoan imbroglio had again fallen into the hands of the three powers for adjustment.

VII

It is pleasing to note a prevailing calmness of tone in the official correspondence between Washington and Berlin during this period (1887-89), relative to Samoa. It contrasts strongly with the feverish and hysterical temper of the communications between the consuls in Apia, and in letters to their home governments. Mr. Bayard and Mr. Blaine on the one hand, and Prince Bismarck on the other, were continually prodded by communications from Apia sounding many alarms and craving sanction for many deeds of doubtful propriety. The communications passing between these premiers indicate, almost without exception, a desire for moderation. Each hopes that the impetuosity of his excited officials in Samoa may be pardoned, in order that the questions at issue may amicably be settled. Between the lines of these formal despatches a trace of weariness may often be detected, which might render a fairly correct reading, despite the actual words used, to be, "They are at it again; will they never stop? Your men have done wrong; control them better, and I shall try to control mine;" and finally, "It is of no use; we must ourselves settle their difficulties, and over their heads, let us meet for the purpose."

In October, 1887, Mr. Bayard cabled to Berlin that the state of affairs in Samoa "is very distressing, and can only

be made worse by a continuation of the war"; that Mr. Sewall has been instructed to "preserve a strict neutrality"; and suggests the "advisability of the immediate election of a king and a vice-king, as agreed to in the conference." The reply that "all the important chiefs who had assembled had formally recognized Tamasese as king," indicates a misconception in Berlin of the true situation in Samoa. "The conduct of Malietoa," said Bismarck, "had become unbearable, maltreating the Germans, and finally permitting outrages upon those who were properly celebrating the birthday of the emperor [the prince referred to the bar-room brawl before mentioned]; that the German Government had determined to deal with him personally." On January 17, 1888, Mr. Bayard forwarded to the United States Minister in Berlin a long communication, reviewing in detail the events in Samoa following the adjournment of the commission, and complaining of the course of the German representative in Apia. This unwarranted course consisted in forcibly creating Tamasese king, in abrogating the neutrality of the port, and in ignoring the protests of the American Consul - all alleged to be in derogation of the understanding of the three powers to leave the situation in statu quo until a final settlement. Mr. Bayard continued:

The conclusion at which I am forced to arrive from the review of recent events in Samoa is that the present unfortunate situation there is due not to any action on the part of the representative of the United States, but to the fomentation by interested foreigners of native dissensions, and to the desire exhibited in a marked degree by those in charge of local German interests to obtain personal and commercial advantages and political supremacy.

Closing the despatch, he said: —

Owing, doubtless, to her commercial preponderance in the islands, to Germany the primary object has seemed to be the establishment of a stronger government. To the United States, the object first in importance has seemed to be the preservation of native independence and autonomy. And so regarding the matter, this Government, while not questioning Germany's assur

ances of the absence of any intention on her part to annex or establish a protectorate over the islands, has been compelled to dissent from propositions which seemed to subordinate all other considerations to the strengthening of the German commercial and landed interests in the islands, and correspondingly to diminish, if not entirely to destroy, the probability of the establishment of a Samoan Government, and of the neutralization of the group, at least in respect to the powers now immediately concerned.

During the peaceful continuance of the Tamasese Government, until the autumn of 1888, but few despatches of real importance concerning Samoan matters passed between the powers. Both England and the United States felt dissatisfied with the situation; and while resenting the action of Germany in overturning the native government and setting up a king of their own choosing, they appeared to be adverse to further interference, so long as affairs in the islands moved along smoothly, and the new government gave reasonable satisfaction to all parties. In the autumn of 1888, however, when Mataafa entered upon the scene in open rebellion against Tamasese and the German régime, the questions of neutrality and of German aggression were reopened. Mr. Bayard wrote to Berlin, November 21, 1888, that as often stated theretofore, "the desire of this Government is to see a lawful and orderly condition of affairs established in Samoa, under a government freely chosen by the Samoan people. As to what chief may be at the head of that government, it is to this government a matter of indifference. If any cause of complaint should arise out of differences between the consuls at Apia, the matter should be taken up by their respective governments, and settled at once directly between them and not be left to be the subject of contention in Samoa."

As the revolution progressed, and the situation in Apia became more acute, the communications between the powers took on a slight degree of petulance. Count Arco-Valley, the German Minister in Washington, reported to the State Department, January 10, 1889, that :