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must have dwelt in the plain round the Temple of Artemis, and probably fortified the bill on which the Byzantine Castle of Ayasoluk now stands.
The goddess whose worship Androklos found so long established at Ephesus received the name of Artemis from the Greeks, from the resemblance which they discovered between her attributes and rites and those of the huntress-daughter of Latona, whom they themselves worshipped. But the distinction between the Asiatic and Hellenic deity was never lost sight of in Greek art and literature. The Ephesian Artemis, whose original name is said to have been Upis, was one of several deities in Asia Minor, whose worship the Greek settlers found much too firmly established to be rooted out, and whom they therefore adopted into their own system of mythology. Such were the Hera of Samos, the Zeus of Labranda, the Artemis Leukophryne of Magnesia, and the Artemis of Perga. The types of these primitive deities are barbaric and un-Hellenic. Most of them we know only from representations on coins struck by Asiatic cities under the Roman Empire; but the type of the Ephesian Artemis, from the world-wide celebrity of her worship, has come down to us in several statues of the Roman period, all probably derived from the idol so long and profoundly venerated at Ephesus.* The goddess in these Roman replicas is represented as a female figure, the body a mere trunk lessening to the base with feet placed close together, as if copied from a mummy. On her chest are several parallel rows of pendulous breasts, whence she was called Polymammia; below are various symbols, such as bees, flowers, fruit, rows of projecting heads of bulls and gryphons and other animals; on her arms, which are supported on each side by an oblique strut or stick, are lions crawling upwards. How far these strange symbols are part of the original type, or which of them may have been additions due to the Pantheistic tendency of Paganism under the Roman Empire, we have no means of determining; nor do we know much as to the import of these symbols, though volumes of erudition have been written in the hope of explaining them ever since the revival of learning. The statement of St. Jerome that the Artemis of Ephesus, whom he carefully distinguishes from the Greek huntress, is the mother of all animal life, and that therefore her type was Polymammia, is probably well founded.
The modius, or corn measure, which she wears on her head, is certainly an attribute of Chtho
* For the types of the Ephesian Artemis and other similar GrecoAsiatic Deities, see Gerhard, Antike Bildewerke,' PII. 305, 307, 308.
nian or telluric deities, and so perhaps may be the flowers, fruit, and bees; the disk or polos round the head, the signs of the zodiac on the breast, the gryphons, and the lions seem rather to embody a lunar myth. The symbol of the bees must be viewed in connexion with the fact that the priestesses of the Ephesian Artemis were called Melisse, and certain of her priests Essenes; the name given by the Greeks to what, in ignorance of natural history, they called the king-bee.* Herr Curtius thinks that the worship of Artemis may have been founded at Ephesus by the Carians and the Phænicians, to whom the abundance of springs here may have suggested the dedication of a shrine to the great goddess of nature, who makes the earth fertile by humidity.
After the death of the founder Androklos, his sons were expelled from power by an antimonarchical movement, and the Ionian' colony was strengthened by the importation of new settlers from Teos and Karene. The original division into three tribes was enlarged, and the boundaries of the city extended, spreading from Coressus to Peion.t Some time in the seventh century B.C. a great host of Cimmerian invaders swept like locusts over Asia Minor, advancing as far as the west coast. The Ephesian Kallinoe, one of the earliest elegiac poets of Ionia, tried in vain at this crisis to awaken by his verse the martial ardour of his fellow-citizens. The Cimmerians encamped in the plain traversed by the Cayster, and partially burnt the Temple of Artemis, the plunder of which, however, is said to have been averted by the special intervention of the goddess. It is about this time that the history of Ephesus begins to be connected with the neighbouring kingdom of Lydia, then ruled by the dynasty of whom Gyges was the founder about B.c. 715-690. The tendency of this dynasty in the successive reigns of Ardys, Sadyattes, and Alyattes was to advance westward so as to menace the independence of the flourishing Ionic settlements. Sadyattes and Alyattes several times invaded the territory of Miletus, and the final subjugation of the Ionian cities was accomplished by their successor Cresus, whose wealth, derived from the gold of the Pactolus, has become a proverb for all time. Ephesus eontrived to make better terins with the conqueror than any other Ionian city. Its position on the coast made it the
• Curtius, ' Beiträge,' p. 7. Comrare Zimmermann, pp. 87-105.
† For the orthography of this name, sometimes written Prion in ancient texts, see the coin of Ephesus cited by Curtius, · Beiträge, p. 2, note 2.
natural port of Sardes, and it was probably to strengthen commercial relations that Alyattes married his daughter to the Ephesian Melas, a descendant of the royal house of Androklos, and of high repute among his fellow-citizens. The issue of this marriage was a son called Pindarus, who, in the reign of Crasus, became the principal citizen in Ephesus. In the course of his invasion of Ionia, Cræsus laid siege to Ephesus,
and then it was that Pindarus is said to have saved the city - by a singular device. He attached a rope from the Temple of
Artemis to the city wall, from which it was distant nearly a mile. After this Cræsus allowed the Ephesians to capitulate on honourable terms. The meaning of this curious story probably is that this was a solemn form of dedication by which the Ionian colony was placed under the protection of the Asiatic goddess, and such an act seems to have brought about a closer amalgamation between the Greek city in Coressus and the native community dwelling round the temple. More than one reason may have combined to induce Creesus to grant such favourable terms to the Ephesians. He is said to have raised money in the time of his father by means of a rich Ephesian merchant, and he may have thought that his commercial relations would be most securely developed by favouring one Ionian city at the expense of the rest. Again, the Ephesian Artemis, as an Asiatic deity, was to him an object of special reverence, and hence the protection of the goddess which Pindarus invoked for the city by the solemn act of dedication would not be without its influence on the conqueror. Herodotus states that some time during his reign, Cresus dedicated most of the columns in the Temple of Artemis, and also some golden bulls. We know therefore that it must have been in course of construction between B.c. 560 and 546. The date of its commencement is approximately fixed by the fact that it was Theodorus, the celebrated architect and sculptor of Samos, who recommended the laying the foundations on fleeces of wool and charcoal, because the site was marshy. The date of Theodorus is a matter of dispute, but he probably lived not earlier than B.C. 600.
The sixth century before the Christian era was a teeming age when Greek commerce and navigation were being largely developed, and much of the wealth thus suddenly accumulated was employed in building temples and in costly dedications. It was then that solid and sumptuous edifices built of marble and stone were substituted for the wooden structures of the earlier generations, or for the rude altar and time-hallowed idol, sometimes preserved in a hollow tree. The Heræum
at Samos, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the Artemision at Ephesus were all begun between B.C. 600 and 500; and it was in the latter part of the same century, according to Pliny, that marble was first employed in sculpture by two Cretan artists. The first architect of the Ephesian temple was Chersiphron, and it was continued by his son Metagenes, who is said by Vitruvius to have made an ingenious contrivance for transporting the huge architrave stones from the quarry to the temple.
After these great blocks had been rough-hewn into beams, a wheel was so fixed to either end that the whole mass with each revolution of the wheels moved forward clear of the ground. The architrave stones were then lowered into their place on the building by means of paniers of sand placed under them. As the sand ran out, the gradual collapse of the paniers gently lowered the stones on their beds. One block, however, which formed the architrave over the principal doorway, was too unwieldy for the mechanical ingenuity of the architect. In the vexation and perplexity of his spirit he had an illness, in the course of which the goddess appeared to him in a nightly vision, and said, · Be of good cheer, for I myself will see to the placing of 'the architrave;' and in the morning, behold, the great refractory mass had, proprio motu, subsided with the utmost nicety into its appointed place. This temple, according to Pliny, took 120 years to build, and was finished on an enlarged plan by Pæonius, the architect of the Temple of Apollo at Branchidæ, and Demetrius. All the Ionian cities are said to have contributed to the building of the Artemision, which Brunn supposes to have been completed about 460 B.C.* The long delay in finishing it is accounted for when we consider the momentous revolutions which troubled Asia Minor in the
space of time between its founding and completion. In that interval took place the destruction of the Lydian monarchy and the subjugation of Ionia by Cyrus, the revolt of the Ionians under Darius Hystaspes, the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, and the maritime ascendency of Athens, which was its result, and through which most of the cities of Ionia were finally reduced to a state of vassalage. On reference to the record of tribute lists in Attic inscriptions, we find the Ephesians paying tribute to Athens about the time when their temple was completed. This dependence lasted till the great Athenian disaster in Sicily, after which Ephesus sided with the enemies of Athens. The
* H. Brunn, Geschichte d. Griech. Künstler,' ii. p. 383.
. VOL. CXLV. NO. CCXCVII.
sympathies of the city had been more with Persia than with Greece ever since the time of Darius Hystaspes. It was the aim of Mardonius to make Ephesus the chief port of Persia on the west coast of Asia Minor ; it was to the Ephesians that Xerxes entrusted his children during his expedition to Greece; and the Artemision was the only temple in lonia which he did not plunder and destroy, probably because it was dedicated to an Asiatic goddess. Thus again, when the Athenians invaded Ephesus in the latter part of the Peloponnesian War, the Persian satrap Tissaphernes made a sumptuous sacrifice at the Temple of Artemis, and levied an army in her defence against the Greek invaders.
Ephesus continued to yield more and more to Asiatic influence till Lysander, and afterwards Agesilaus, made it the headquarters of their armies, and revived Hellenic spirit in the city. After this the struggle was not between Persian and Greek influence, but between the oligarchical party ruling by the aid of Sparta, and the democratic party who invited the interference of Philip of Macedon. These parties contended with varying fortune till the invasion of Alexander put an end to the struggle.
We have now brought the history of Ephesus down to the period of the burning of the temple by Herostratus, B.C. 356. The building of the new temple was probably commenced immediately after this catastrophe. Some money was raised by the sale of the columns of the old temple and by the voluntary contributions of Ephesian ladies, who even sold their jewels for this holy purpose. Many of the columns of the new temple were the gift of kings. When Alexander the Great passed through Ephesus after his victory at the Granicus, he re-established the democracy, and after assigning to Artemis the tribute previously paid to the Persian king, tried to conciliate the goddess with a great sacrifice, which was accompanied by a procession of his whole army in battle-array,
It was probably on this occasion that he offered to defray the entire expenses of rebuilding the temple, provided the Ephesians would allow him to inscribe his name on it as dedicator. The priests, who probably still secretly favoured the cause of the Persian king, declined this munificent offer, replying with an adroit cunning, that it was not meet for a god to make dedications to the gods. No such scruples occurred to the priests of Athene Polias at Priene. On the walls of that temple Alexander set his name as dedicator, probably immediately after his visit to Ephesus. The block of marble on which this is engraved may be seen in the Mausoleum Room