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at the British Museum. The bold clear letters are fresh as the day they were cut.

Deinokrates, to whom Alexander entrusted the building of his new city Alexandria, was also the architect of the new temple at Ephesus, and one of the columns was sculptured by Scopas, one of the four artists employed on the Mausoleum.

How long the new Artemision took to build is not recorded, but, if Pliny's statement that the roof, which was of cedar, was 400 years old when he wrote his . Historia Naturalis,’ about A.D. 77, is to be taken literally, the temple must have been finished about B.C. 323. It was probably on its completion that the celebrated picture was dedicated, in which Åpelles painted Alexander the Great holding a thunderbolt in his hand. The sum which the painter is said to have received from the king for this picture is of fabulous amount.

After the death of Alexander the Greek cities in Asia Minor were the bone of contention

his successors. Above all they coveted the possession of Ephesus; the security of its harbour, only to be approached from the sea by a long narrow canal full of shoals at the entrance; its central position on the west coast of Asia Minor, so convenient either for fitting out naval expeditions, or for the defence of Ionia ; its great trade and accumulated wealth ill-guarded by a population too prone to luxury to be formidable in war; all marked out Ephesus as the prize of successive victors in the great contest for the possession of the Macedonian empire. Already, before the battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301, it had passed from Antigonus to Lysimachus, and then back to Antigonus and Demetrius. We find it again in the possession of Lysimachus, B.c. 295. His short occupation of Ephesus forms an epoch in the history of the city. He forced the inhabitants to abandon the plain round the temple, where they had gathered ever since the time of Crasus, and concentrated them on the original site of the colony of Androklos. The hill which former topographers call Prion, but to which Mr. Wood gives the name Coressus, was probably the acropolis of the city which Lysimachus rebuilt, and to which he gave the name of his wife Arsinoe. To him may with probability be attributed the line of walls which may still be traced on the summit of this hill, and the magnificent fortification which following the heights of the higher mountain ridge on the south (Mr. Wood's Prion and the Coressus of former topographers), completely enclosed the Lysimachian city. It was thus that the peculiar connexion between the Hellenic city and the temple which had existed ever since the time of Cræsus was finally severed. The sword of the Macedonian conqueror cut through the tie of dependency by which priestcraft had attached the city to the temple of the Asiatic goddess; and it is a significant fact in reference to this political change, that about the time of Lysimachus the silver coins of Ephesus have for the first time the type of the Greek huntress-goddess, instead of the bee of her Asiatic namesake.


We will not here attempt to follow the chequered fortunes of Ephesus as it passed like a shuttlecock, backwards and forwards, from the Seleucidæ to the Ptolemies, then back to the Seleucidæ. After the fall of Antiochus the Great, it was added by the Romans to the dominions of Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and it was in the reign of his successor, Attalus II., that we first hear of that silting up at the mouth of the Cayster which, though very slow and gradual in its operation, ultimately destroyed the harbour of Ephesus. The mole by which Attalus tried to correct this tendency to silt up and which only aggravated the mischief, has been recognised by Mr. \Vood in a massive stone embankment on the north bank of the Cayster, of which he traced the remains to a distance of within 400 yards of the present sea-board.

In the war between Mithridates and the Romans, B.C. 88, the Ephesians actively sided with the king of Pontus, not so much, according to Appian, through fear of that formidable monarch, who for the time being was master of nearly all Asia Minor, as through hatred of the Romans, whom they ruthlessly massacred, even when they had invoked the protection of their own goddess. Soon, with the political inconstancy which characterises their history from the beginning, they changed sides and became adherents of the Romans. It is curious to turn from Appian's statements to the plea put forth by the Ephesians themselves in an inscription now at Oxford, which once probably formed a part of the cella walls of the Artemision. In this manifesto, in which the Ephesian people leclare war against Mithridates, they state that they sided with him only by compulsion, having always secretly cherished in their hearts their preference for the Roman alliance.*

This decree must have been passed after the great defeat of Mithridates at Chæronea, and its date is probably about B.C. 36. The conqueror of Mithridates was not to be cajoled by the elaborate rhetoric of such documents, and Sylla made the Ephesians atone for the massacre of so many Roman citizens. by a heavy fine.

Here the history of Ephesus as an autonomous Greek state

* Lebas, Voyage Archéologique : Ionia,' p. 56, No. 136 a.

may be said to end. In the Roman civil war which followed they unluckily again chose the losing side, and, having too zealously supported Brutus and Cassius, were heavily mulcted by Mark Antony, who did not, however, omit to propitiate the goddess with a great sacrifice.

Looking back through the history of the Ephesians from Augustus to Crosus, we find abundant evidence of their commercial prosperity and of their adroitness in conciliating powerful neighbours, and choosing allies on the winning side; but no heroic self-sacrifice, no daring spirit of maritime adventure, such as distinguished their ancient rivals the Milesians and the Phocæans. Their policy throughout is marked by selfishness and cunning; the lions from Hellas have become foxes * at Ephesus,' was a familiar Greek proverb.

But if their policy was thus ignoble, it was at any rate successful. The commerce of Ephesus, great even in the time of the Lydian kings, when the gold of the Pactolus was already flowing into the plain of the Cayster, grew with each century, in spite of all the wars and revolutions which harassed the west coast of Asia Minor, and destroyed many of its most flourishing cities. And thus it came to pass that in the reign of Augustus when the former greatness of Miletus had become a by-word; when Lebedus, as Horace tells us, was more deserted than Gabii and Fidenæ, and the other cities which once formed the league of the Panionium had mostly dwindled into obscurity, Ephesus not only maintained its ancient commercial supremacy, but was exalted above all the other cities of Asia Minor by the privileges and titles bestowed on it by Imperial favour. It was allowed to style itself first city of Asia and Neokoros or minister of the great goddess Artemis, whose worship was thenceforth associated with that of the Emperor; for as we know from Mr. Wood's discoveries, the Augusteum was dedicated within the same peribolos as the Artemision as early as B.C. 6.

These titles and privileges represented substantial political advantages. We learn from Ulpian * that, when a pro-consul proceeded to his post in Asia Minor, he was by law obliged to select Ephesus as the port where he first landed, and it was the seat of conventus juridicus or general assize, to which many neighbouring cities of Lydia had to refer their causes.

When we take into account the concourse of strangers which must have been drawn to Ephesus, not only by commercial or

• Cited by Guhl, “ Ephesiaca,' p. 69. The ship and legend karán lovg on certain coins of Ephesus refer to this. See Eckhel, ' Doct. Num. • Vet.,' vol. iii. p. 518.

legal business, but by the fame of the worship of their great goddess, and the splendour of the festivals celebrated in her honour, we can understand why the Great Theatre was constructed on so large a scale, being capable, according to Mr. Wood's calculation, of holding upwards of 24,000 persons.

All through the Imperial period the wealth of the Artemision must have been steadily accumulating. The fisheries of the Selinousian lakes, which the kings who successively occupied Ephesus appropriated for their needs, were restored to the temple by the Romans. We know not the extent of the domain belonging to the goddess, but it was probably very large; and from Xenophon's description of the temple which he dedicated in Laconia, in humble imitation of the Ephesian Artemision, it seems likely that a large park full of sacred deer and other beasts of chase was one of the appanages of the temple.

Moreover, the great goddess had from time immemorial kept in her temple a bank of deposit; her credit was so good that for centuries the treasures of kings and of private persons were confided to her care. * The re-investment of this money in loans, either on the security of real property or goods, must have enabled the goddess to do a very good business at all times, especially if she often had to deal with deposits on such easy terms as in the case of that made by Xenophon. In an interesting passage in the · Anabasis’ (v. iii. 13) he tells us that, when about to join a warlike expedition, he deposited with the Neokoros † or chief minister of the Ephesian Artemis, a sum of money, the proceeds of spoils of war. In the event of his being killed in battle this money was to be employed in any manner most pleasing and acceptable to the goddess; if he returned safe he was to have the right of reclaiming his deposit, which he accordingly did, when he met this same Neokoros at Olympia some years afterwards. To these sources of wealth must be added the fines and confiscations imposed by the state on those who violated its laws, and the gifts and bequests, by which, from motives of gratitude or fear, devotees were for ever seeking to propitiate the goddess. Mr. Wood's exploration of the Great Theatre brought to light a memorable specimen of such dedications.

The inscription which records it, though unfortunately incomplete, is one of the longest ever found in Asia Minor. It

* Cited by Guhl, 'Ephesiaca,' pp. 111, 112.

† This term in Imperial times became an honorary title of the city of Ephesus itself. Mr. Grote translates it superintendent,' ix. p. 243. tells us how one Vibius Salutaris,* a Roman of equestrian rank, who had filled very high offices in the state, dedicated to Artemis a number of gold and silver statues, of which the weight is given, and a sum of money to be held in trust, and the yearly interest of which is to be applied to certain specified

On the 6th of the first decad of the month Thargelion (May 25), on which day the mighty goddess Artemis was born, largess is to be distributed to various public functionaries in the pronaos of the temple. The members of the Ephesian Boulè, or senate, are to receive one drachma each. The six tribes of the city, the high priest and the priestess of Artemis, the two Neopoiai, or Surveyors of the temple, the Paidonomi who had the charge of the education of the boys, and other fortunate personages, come in for a share of this munificent dole. The heirs of Salutaris were made liable for the due payment of the bequests in case he should die before paying over the principal or making an assignment of the rent of certain lands for the payment of the interest. The trust is guarded by stringent enactments. By a letter of Afranius Flavianus, proprætor, which is appended to the deed of trust, a fine of 50,000 drachma (rather less than 2,0001.) is inflicted on anyone, whether magistrate or private person, who attempts to set aside any of the provisions of the trust; one half of this fine is to go to the adornment of the goddess, the other half to the Imperial fiscus. The silver and gold figures dedicated by Salutaris are called both εικόνες, statues, and απεικονίσματα, by which is probably meant replicas or copies of extant statues, and their weight ranges from two to seven Roman pounds. In the list we find a golden Artemis with silver stags, two silver figures of Artemis bearing a torch, a silver figure of the Roman people, a silver figure of the Equestrian Order, to which Salutaris himself belonged, a silver figure of the Boulè, or senate of Ephesus, a silver figure of the Ephesian Gerousia, a council which seems to have had to do with the management of sacred property. The greatest care is to be taken of these figures. When they require cleaning, it is to be done with a particular earth called arguromatike, by the custodian of the sacred deposits for the time being, in the presence of the two Surveyors of the temple. At every meeting of the public assemblage, and at all the gymnastic contests, and on every other occasion to be fixed by the Boulè and Demos, these figures are to be carried from the pronaos of the temple to the theatre duly guarded, and then back to the temple. During


* In the Greek text this name is written Salutarios.

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