must not presume too much upon the strength of our resolutions. Let every man who has been accustomed to the indulgence, ask himself if it is not a luxury-a tempting luxury, which solicits him strongly and at every moment. The prompt obedience, the ready attention, the submissive and humble, but eager effort to anticipate command-how. flattering to our pride, how soothing to our indolence! To the members from the south, I appeal to know whether they will suffer any temporary inconvenience, or any speculative advantage to expose us to the danger. To those of the north, no appeal can be necessary. To both, I can most sincerely say, that as I know my own views, on this subject to be free from any unworthy motive, so will I believe, that they likewise have no object but the common good of our common country, and that nothing would have given me more heartfelt satisfaction, than that the present proposition should have originated in the same quarter to which we are said to be indebted for the ordinance of 1787. Then, indeed, would Virginia have appeared in even more than her wonted splendor, and spreading out the scroll of her services, would have beheld none of them with greater pleasure, than that series which began, by pleading the cause of humanity in remonstrances against the slave trade, while she was yet a colony, and, embracing her own act of abolition, and the ordinance of 1787, terminated in the restriction on Missouri. Consider, what a foundation our predecessors have laid! And behold, with the blessing of Providence, how the work has prospered! What is there, in ancient or in modern times, that can be compared with the growth and prosperity of the states formed out of the North West Territory? When Europeans reproach us with our negro slavery; when they contrast our republican boast and pretensions with the existence of this condition among us, we have our answer ready-it is to you we owe this evil-you planted it here, and it has taken such. root in the soil, we have not the power to eradicate it. Then, turning to the west, and directing their attention tò

Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, we can proudly tell them, these are the offspring of our policy and our laws, these are the free productions of the constitution of the United States. But, if beyond this smiling region, they should descry another dark spot upon the face of the new creation-another scene of negro slavery, established by ourselves, and spreading continually towards the further ocean, what shall we say then? No, sir, let us follow up the work our ances-tors have begun. Let us give to the world a new pledge of our sincerity. Let the standard of freedom be planted in Missouri, by the hands of the constitution, and let its banner wave over the heads of none but freemen-men retaining the image impressed upon them by their Creator, and dependant upon none but God and the laws. Then, as our republican states extend, republican principles will go hand in hand with republican practice the love of liberty with the sense of justice. Then, sir, the dawn, beaming from the constitution, which now illuminates Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, will spread with increasing brightness to the further west, till in its brilliant lustre, the dark spot which now rests upon our country, shall be forever hid from sight. Industry, arts, commerce, knowledge, will flourish with plenty and contentment for ages to come, and the loud chorus of universal freedom, re-echo from the Pacific to the Atlantic, the great truths of the Declaration of Independence. Then too, our brethren of the south, if they sincerely wish it, may scatter their emancipated slaves through this boundless region, and our country, at length, be happily freed forever from the foul stain and curse of slavery. And if (may it be far, very far distant!) intestine commotion-civil dissention-division, should happen-we shall not leave our posterity exposed to the combined horrors of a civil and a servile war. If any man still hesitate, influenced by some temporary motive of convenience, or ease, or profit, I charge him to think what our fathers have suffered for us, and then to ask his heart, if he can be faithless to the obligation he owes to posterity?

SPEECH,

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 7TH, 1822, ON THE BILL TO ESTABLISH AN UNIFORM SYSTEM OF BANKRUPTCY THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES.

MR. CHAIRMAN,

pa

Ir is my duty now to endeavour to reply to the principal objections which have been made to the passage of this bill. After so much discussion, and at this late stageof the debate, I would gladly dispense with its performance and relieve the House from further trespass upon its tience. But, this would not be just to the very interesting subject before us, nor to those who have so anxiously besought our attention to it; and I must therefore ask the indulgence of the house, while, as rapidly as may be in my power, I bring into their view, the answers-satisfactory. ones I hope they will be found-to the arguments of those who are opposed to the bill..

I can say with truth, what probably can scarcely be said by any other member of the house that I have listened, attentively, to every speech that has been made on either side of the question, with only one exception, and that was owing to circumstances over which I had no control, and which I very much regret. I have listened with pleasure, and with instruction, too, and with an increased conviction of the expediency, necessity, and justice of the measure proposed. If doubt had remained in my mind, it would

* Mr. Sergeant was chairman of the committee on the Judiciary who reported the bill.

have been entirely dispelled by the debate: For, the more deeply and thoroughly the subject is examined, the more obvious does its importance become, and the more plain and imperious our duty towards all classes of our fellow citizens, but especially towards those who are immediately interested in the decision. Indeed, I am fully persuaded, that nothing is wanting but a close and candid examination of the true nature and merits of the case, with a moderate sense of what liberal justice, and the true interests of society demand, to remove the prejudices, and effectually silence the objections, which have heretofore prevented the passage of a bankrupt law.

In the remarks I am about to offer, it will be necessary, occasionally, to touch upon ground already occupied by members, who have preceded me in the debate. I will do it as little as possible, and when I am obliged to repeat what has been already advanced, it will not be from want of respect for those who have gone before me, nor from any hope of being able to present the same topics with equal strength and force, but only for the sake of their necessary connexion with other views.

The first class of objections to be noticed, for which we are indebted chiefly to the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. A. Smyth,) are not to the principle of a bankrupt law, but to the details of this particular bill. I must submit to the judgment of the house, how far such a course of observation, was correct, or just, or likely to conduce to a fair investigation, at this stage of the proceedings, and upon the present motion, which was made for the avowed purpose of trying the sense of the house, upon the broad question, whether we would or would not pass a bankrupt law, under any modifications whatever; in other words, whether it was fit and proper at all to exercise the power given by the constitution. The particular provisions of the bill, are not open to amendment, upon such a motion; they are not within the legitimate range of its inquiry; and such objec

tions are really calculated only to embarrass and prolong the discussion, by producing impressions, which, if they are suffered to remain, might seriously affect the minds of those who have not carefully examined the bill, while the attempt to answer them now, imposes upon the friends of the measure, a burthen they ought not to be required to bear, and upon the house, a tax the more severe, as it is not, and cannot be productive of any profitable result. If the details of the bill are defective, let their defects be pointed out, at the proper time, and let us then endeavour to amend them.

Instead however, of following the course which is usual upon such occasions, an attempt has been made to bring odium upon the bill, by a strong exhibition of the supposed deformity of its parts. The member from Virginia, (Mr. A. Smyth) has indeed characterized it as a monster, which, if it were as bad as he described it to be, it would be justifiable to strangle at its birth: which ought not to be suf fered to have a chance to breathe the breath of life. He said, "that it was calculated to sacrifice the liberties of the people, to destroy personal security, and the security of property, to abolish the mild and equitable systems of jurisprudence, which the wisdom and policy of the states have ordained," in short, that it would be productive of every sort of mischief, and nothing but mischief. That gentleman has, indeed, been extremely, I had almost said. excessively liberal, in acquitting me of any share in this atrocious attempt upon the liberty and laws of our country, by supposing that not a line of the bill has proceeded from my pen. While I thank him for his kind intentions, it is impossible for me to avail myself of the concession. For if it were literally founded in fact, and I cannot say that it is, yet, having adopted and advocated the bill, not once, but repeatedly; not hastily, but upon full reflection, and feeling as I now do, that if my most anxious wishes and exertions for its passage, could ensure its success, it would