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them from arriving at the result which is most satisfactory to their own feelings and interests. The right honourable gentleman says that if you ask the opinions of different people, all of whom are respectively and individually good authorities on the subject of Italy, one will tell you one thing, and another another; that whether it is about the Romagna, Tuscany, or Sardinia, or Naples, or Lombardy, every one you consult gives you a different opinion. Is that peculiar to Italy? Without going further than the walls of this House, I should like to know whether you will not find gentlemen here who will give you the most opposite opinions about any question of domes tic interest you like to name. . . . In this House a question is settled according to what the majority thinks about it; let the people of Italy settle their own questions in the same way. If it be true that Tuscany wishes to be a separate nationality, so be it. If it be true that the King of Naples is the most beloved of monarchs, let his subjects remain united to him in the bonds of affection. If it be true that the people of the Romagna are enamoured of the Government of the Pope, let them return to the happiness from which they are temporarily separated. All that we want is, that the Italians should be left to judge of their own interests, to shape their future arrangements according to their own opinions of that which is most likely to contribute to their happiness and most in unison with their feelings and opinions. I am sure this policy is consonant to the wishes of the people. It is founded upon the same principle as that on which the throne of this country now rests, and, therefore,

in advocating it I feel that the Government are backed and supported by the feelings of the people at large, by the historical traditions of our own country, and by the principles on which that constitution is founded under which we are so happy as to live.”

The Address was then agreed to, nem. con. On the bringing up of the report a desultory discussion on various subjects took place. Among others, Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald entered into a discussion of the treaty with France, to which he raised many objections, and he warned the House against too close an access and identity of interests with France.

Mr. Gladstone rallied Mr. Fitzgerald on his assumed knowledge of the character of the treaty, hinting ironically that he must have secreted himself, after the ancient fashion, behind the tapestry of the room in which negotiations were going on, and thus have obtained his minute knowledge. Mr. Gladstone said he could not enter on a discussion of the questions raised; he must defer it until Parliament was made acquainted with the particulars of the treaty. Answering some of Mr. Fitzgerald's strictures, he ridiculed his fear of an identity of policy between England and France. Is that possible, in the nature of things? Why, there is hardly any contingency in which they can be associated except for objects honourable in themselves and beneficial to mankind."

"On no occasion, in our own day or in history, have they ever been combined for a bad object as regards the politics of Europe; and therefore I trust in that alliance, as I hope we all do, and wish it may be drawn closer and closer, not only on account of its in

trinsic value, but because it contains nothing in itself which can by any possibility be hostile to the interests of the other Powers of Europe."

Mr. Gladstone intimated to the House that the treaty would be laid on the table in the course of the following week.

Mr. Horsman renewed the complaint that the Reform Bill had been postponed to so late a day as the 20th February, intimating that the fate of the Government might in the mean time turn upon a vote about China or the Congress. The country, he said, required an early settlement of the question.

Lord Palmerston justified the course pursued with respect to the Reform Bill. He thought there would be ample time to discuss it during the Session. The motion was then agreed to.

The lively interest taken at this time in the progress of events in Italy, and also the anxiety caused by the expected annexations by France of the territories of Savoy and Nice, gave rise in the early part of this Session to some important debates in Parliament. On the 3rd of February Mr. A. W. Kinglake inquired of Lord J. Russell whether the Government had received any information as to the naval and military preparations of the French Emperor, and, if so, whether it could be made known to the House.

Lord John Russell said, he had to remark that this country had an able Ambassador at Paris, and other officials, and from none of them had the Government received any information as to extraordinary military preparations by the Emperor of the French. He believed there was no foundation for the statement that the Emperor of

the French would have 600,000 men ready in the spring. He did not believe that there was any desire on the part of either Austria or France to renew the war. France was certainly making great naval preparations, but he did not think that that was a subject ou which this country need be jealous. He expected that the ratification of the treaty would take place on the following day. The persons entrusted with the negotiations were Lord Cowley and Mr. Cobden.

On the 7th February the Marquis of Normanby, who distinguished himself during this Session by his active exertions in behalf of the deposed Governments in Italy, brought forward a formal motion in the House of Lords respecting the impending annexation by France. The noble lord moved an Address to the Queen, to represent to Her Majesty that this House has been informed that her Government has stated to the Government of France the objections entertained by Her Majesty's Government to the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France, and to pray Her Majesty to direct her Government to use their best endeavours to prevent the transfer of those territories to France. He prefaced his motion by observing that he was impelled by no desire to impute blame to the Government for the course they had pursued. It was only his desire to place upon record the dissent of their lordships from so important a measure. He proceeded to descant upon the discrepancy of the statements made upon this subject in July last by Count Walew ski, and the rumours afloat and confirmed by the French newspapers at the present moment.

No one believed on the Continent that a compact for the annexation of Savoy and Nice did not exist between the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia. It would be most satisfactory to hear that no change in the intentions of the French Government had taken place on this subject since the 18th of last March, when Lord Cowley wrote to Lord Malmes bury that the Emperor of the French contemplated no increase of French territory. The question, however, almost entirely depended upon the public opinion of Savoy, and he could not say what that opinion was. Great changes had taken place in the feelings of the Savoyards towards their King since 1814, partly brought about by the increase of taxation, the oppressive action of the conscription, and other causes. He considered the question in its geographical and strategic aspect, and came to the conclusion that the annexation would be injurious to the balance of power in Europe, to the interests of Savoy and its inhabitants, and, by adding a discontented population to its sway, to the interests of France itself."

Lord Granville stated that he had no further information to add to that which he had formerly given to a question upon this same subject to Lord Normanby. Her Majesty's Government were still in communication with the French Government on the matter. Her Majesty's Government had been assured that, although there had been formerly a question of the annexation of Savoy and Nice under certain contingencies, as those contingencies had not arisen, there was no question of annexation at the present moment. At the same time France did not deny that the

creation of a powerful Italian kingdom on her frontier might give occasion to the consideration of such a question. The information from Sardinia was also to the same effect-that no compact existed between France and Sardinia for the cession, exchange, or sale of Savoy and Nice to France. He assured the House that the Government of this country had represented to the Government of France all the objections which in an European sense would arise from the contemplated enlargement of French territory, and proceeded to consider the question of an extension of the French frontier, and pointed out that the arguments used by the French for the extension of their frontier to the Alps might with equal propriety be applied to the frontier of the Rhine and of Germany. At the present moment our Government was in communication with France, Sardinia, and Austria on the Italian question. The policy of this country was not one of nationalities, but the avoidance of any armed interference in the affairs of the Peninsula, and to secure to the Italians the privilege of choosing for themselves. Considering the present circumstances of the two countries, and the friendly feeling existing between them, he considered that Lord Normanby would best consult the public interests by withdrawing his motion.

Lord Grey thought the statement made by Lord Granville showed the necessity of bringing forward this motion. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the conduct of the Government of France upon this subject, especially when coupled with the language of the French newspapers. The annexation, he thought, would

Lord Shaftesbury, in very strong language, denounced the present policy of France, which, under the guise of moderation, was pursuing a subtle course, most dangerous to the interests of this country and of Europe.

The Duke of Newcastle deprecated the use of the strong language used by Lord Shaftesbury on such important questions, as calculated to excite an irritation which it would be most difficult to allay, and which would be a great obstacle to the proper reception and calm and dispassionate consideration of the representations made by Her Majesty's Government on the question.

Lord Brougham thought the statement of Lord Granville most satisfactory. He strongly objected to the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France, and asked where the violation of the settlement of Europe, if once departed from, would stop.

be so pregnant with evil to Europe and this country, that Her Majesty's Government ought to do all they could to prevent such a catastrophe. He did not think the honour of this country involved in preventing this measure if the two parties interested were agreed upon it, but he did think that the principle which would be violated by such an annexation should be most strongly supported by this country. In a brief and lucid argument he exposed the fallacy of the proposition that the subjects of a settled Government had a right to choose their own rulers and transfer their allegiance from their own to a foreign King at their own caprice and convenience. He entreated Lord Granville to reconsider his determination to oppose the motion, as he (Lord Grey) believed that they were all unanimous in condemning the proposed annexation; and he considered that, while the declaration of the House against the annexation would be received with the greatest satisfaction in Europe, it could not be deemed an unfriendly act to the Emperor of France, but rather the contrary, because, if it induced him to pause in his present policy, and to give up his present design, it would be advantageous to him, by preserving out of the Italian war, clearly ing for him the confidence of Europe, which would be lost by pursuing the course in which he was now embarking. If it were really true that a secret treaty had been entered into between France and Sardinia for their mutual aggrandizement, it would be difficult to find language sufficiently strong to denounce the iniquity and immorality of such a compact, which could only be described as a great rime against the civilized world.

Lord Derby hoped to have heard that the advice tendered by Her Majesty's Government had been so received by the Emperor of the French that there was no longer cause for the apprehension of Europe in respect to the annexation of Savoy to France. The late Government had, before the break

shown the dangers which would thereby arise to Savoy, and the present Government had at length become impressed with the truth of those views. The discussion of this evening, whatever might be the fate of the motion, would bear this fruit-that it had exhibited the unanimity of every British peer on this question, an unanimity which would produce a most beneficial effect upon European opinion. The two Powers who would suffer

England.]

HISTORY.

the most, in his opinion, by the annexation, would be the two countries immediately interested; for, if the annexation should take place, it would belie the whole of the proclamations of the Emperor of the French and the King of Sardinia, which were so worthy of admiration on account of the disinterestedness of the policy they had announced, and which were totally inconsistent with the rumours of the compact for the mutual aggrandizement of the two There was, however, Powers. another reason why Savoy should not be annexed to France. Piedmont was bound by a specific treaty to Switzerland never to cede Savoy, and Piedmont could not set aside the treaties with Europe, nor the specific treaty with Switzerland, without a violation of the international law of Europe. The language of Piedmont to France ought to be-that it was impossible, owing to her treaty with Switzerland, that she could yield on this question. If Piedmont held this language, France would surely not be so unscrupulously violent as to take these provinces by force. Such a step would be fital to France in her relations with Europe. All confidence in the steady policy and peaceful character of the Emperor of the French would be lost, and it would be said that Austria had been expelled by France from Italy, not for Italian independence, but for the furtherance of her own selfish ends. The present was a great opportunity for the Emperor of the French to establish a character for peace and moderation, by declaring that he entertained no idea of extending the French fronther beyond its present limits, or of destroying the balance of

power in Europe, but that, on the
contrary, he would maintain a
policy of non-interference in the
affairs of other countries, by which
declaration he would establish a
moral power throughout Europe as
great as the material power now
wielded by France.

Lord Stratford de Redcliffe ex-
pressed his thanks to Lord Nor-
manby, for bringing forward the
motion, and entirely concurred with
the remarks of Lord Derby. The
noble marquis, after a few explana-
tory remarks, withdrew his mo-
tion.

On the 14th February, Lord Normanby again brought the affairs of Italy under the notice of the Upper House of Parliament, by a motion intended to convey a strong censure upon the newly-constituted authorities in Tuscany, and upon the acts of the Sardinian Government. The noble lord moved for a copy of the instructions from Her Majesty's Secretary of State to the British Chargé d'Affaires at Florence to attend the official reception, on the 1st of January, of Signor Buoncompagni, now acting as Governor-General of Tuscany: also for a return of the dates of all communications between the Secretary of State and the British Ambassador at Paris on the subject of the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France, up to the 1st of January, 1860. He prefaced his motion with a strong attack upon the Sardinian Government for their conduct in Central Italy, which had been characterized by measures of the most arbitrary nature, perfectly inconsistent with the high-sounding pretensions to freedom which they had put forward. He denied that the present Government in Central Italy and the Duchies was the choice of the

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