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when a measure had passed for extending the franchise, no one would think of disturbing the settlement. In conclusion, he asked Mr. Mackinnon to withdraw his amendment, and he would then, he said, move that the order for the committal of the Bills be discharged.

Mr. Mackinnon, in acquiescing in this request, remarked that he thought Lord John Russell would be better employed in managing our diplomatic relations than in sitting night after night discuss ing this Bill in Committee.

Mr. Disraeli said he thought the Government had taken a wise and not an undignified course; it was much better, out of regard to the progress of public business, to make up their minds at once to abandon the Bill than to waste more time in Committee. He reminded the House that, if the Bill was withdrawn, it was not through any successful opposition, or opposition of any kind, offered to a bona fide amendment of the representation of the people; the real cause of the delay arose from the Government having undertaken other measures of such magnitude as to render the progress of the Bill morally impossible. He acknowledged that they had acted with perfect honour towards the Opposition side of the House, from whom they would receive every aid in the conduct of the public business.

Mr Bright said, although the announcement given by Lord John Russell was received with much regret in his (Mr. Bright's) neighbourhood, he did not blame him for the course he had taken. He lamented to find his hopes blighted, but felt that it would be unjust to attack the Government for difficul. ties for which they were not en

The session,

tirely responsible. however, had not been wholly without results. The reform of the tariff was of itself a measure of great importance, so was the Commercial Treaty, and nothing could exceed the good faith and honour of the French Government in their endeavours to carry out the provisions of the treaty. He had authority for saying that, as the convention was now proceeding, the results of the treaty would be such as to exceed the sanguine anticipations of its friends. The Bill was a very moderate and very reasonable one, and the opposition to it had been emboldened by members on the Liberal side of the House who wanted a pure Whig Government, which would never be seen again—which was just as much extinct as the dodo. But he was glad that the Government had proposed to withdraw the Bill rather than it should be mangled in Committee, and a 61. franchise altered to one of 81., which would be most pernicious. He hoped, however, that the House, if it would not have a Reform Bill for itself, would not allow its rights to be impaired by letting in the pretensions of the Peers.

Mr. Newdegate declared that if the county franchise were reduced in the manner proposed by this Bill, he should not be satisfied with what would be an inadequate representation.

Mr. E. James complained of the imperfect form in which the Bill had been introduced in particular, of the absence of a system of registration. In his opinion, if the Government would go on with the Bill, it might be carried.

Lord Fermoy expressed the disappointment and dismay with which he had heard Lord John

Russell's announcement. If ever there had been a Government whose mission it was to carry a Reform Bill, it was the present, and he could see no force in the grounds alleged by Lord J. Russell for withdrawing the Bill.

Mr. Osborne thought that Lord John Russell was not responsible for giving up the Bill; the responsibility rested upon that House, which was offering a premium to out-of-door agitation. There had not been a fair stand-up fight upon the question, which had been got rid of by a species of Parliamentary assassination, and there had been no other course open to the Government than to drop the Bill.

Mr. Horsman, after remarking that the strongest opposition offered to the Bill had come from the supporters of the Government, entered upon an elaborate justification of the course he had taken upon this question, and of the causes which had rendered the present attempt to legislate upon it abortive. He animadverted upon the inconsistencies of Mr. Bright in relation to the Bill, and, referring to the promise, or something like a promise, which had been given by Lord John Russell to introduce another Reform Bill, he warned him that it was no light thing for a Minister of England to discredit its old Constitution, and to promulgate the doctrine that it was a legitimate function of the State to make a new distribution of political power, giving less to intelligence and property, and more to numbers. The House was now aware that this measure did not emanate from without, but from official rivalry and a desire to bid for the support of a political minority, which ruled the Cabinet, the House, and

the Country, because its support was a political necessity.

Mr. Angerstein regretted the course taken by the Government. Mr. Slaney thought they could not have done otherwise. After some further remarks by various members, the Bill was withdrawn.

This catastrophe excited very little sensation in the country. It had been for some time foreseen, and was regarded as unavoidable. It was felt as a great relief by many, by whom the Bill, so long as it remained in suspense, was regarded as an incubus, and an impediment to other measures of urgent and practical importance, which required the undivided time and attention of Parliament.

The history of the session, in regard to the subject of Parliamentary Reform, will not be complete without a short notice of the proceedings which took place on Mr. H. Berkeley's annually-renewed motion in favour of the Ballot. The debate took place on the 20th of March, and was opened by the honourable mover in a brief and pointed speech. He was astonished, he said, at the talent arrayed against him upon this question, but he had looked through Hansard, and could not find in the speeches of eminent members of that House (a list of whom he read) in opposition to the Ballot a single valid argument. He cited and discussed their arguments seriatim, endeavouring to show that they were fallacious, or inconsistent with facts, or that they rested upon a weak foundation. On the other hand, he appealed to the testimony of Lord Macaulay as to the necessity and the efficacy of the Ballot. An admirable precedent for the adop tion of the Ballot in this country

was furnished, he contended, by the Australian colonies, where it had achieved a bloodless revolution, and was the parent of prosperity. The motion was seconded by Lord Henley, who said that the Ballot would, in his opinion, produce the distinction that was to be desired between the legitimate influence of property and the improper and illegitimate pressure now exercised

upon voters.

Mr. Marsh gave a description, founded on personal experience, of the effects of the Ballot in Australia. The result was that, in his opinion, the Ballot had produced great mischief in that Colony.

Mr. C. Fortescue said he had given but one vote, several years ago, upon this question, and that was in favour of the Ballot. That vote was given without sufficient examination; since that time he had thought a good deal upon the subject, and the more he thought the less he liked the Ballot. In most cases, he believed, it would afford no protection even against intimidation, and in the others the protection would be purchased at too great a cost-the sacrifice of character and honesty.

Mr. Lawson, in supporting the

motion, argued that, from the want of a better-organized machinery in the Reform Act of 1832, bribery and intimidation had not decreased, and that the only remedy which could be effectual was a preventive one-the Ballot.

Lord Palmerston assured Mr. Berkeley that nothing in his speech had altered the opinion he had entertained. He still thought that the franchise was a trust, and not a right. If it was a right, a man could do what he liked with his vote, so that Mr. Berkeley's doctrine would go to legalize bribery. As long as it was held to be a trust, a man was guilty of a moral and a political offence if he bartered it away. Every political function in this country was exercised in the eyes of the public, and if the Ballot became law he repeated that, in his opinion, it would degrade and demoralize the people of this country and turn the electors into lawbreakers or hypocrites.

After a short reply from Mr. Berkeley, the motion was negatived, the numbers being

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CHAPTER V.

MILITARY AND NAVAL AFFAIRS-Mr. Sidney Herbert moves the Army Estimates, which are of unusual magnitude-He makes a full statement of the condition, discipline, and equipments of the Army-The Naval Estimates, also unusually high, are moved by Lord Clarence Paget-His speech, detailing the amount and statistics of our Naval force-The Civil Service Estimates are referred, on the motion of Mr. Wise, to a Select Committee-MANNING THE NAVY—A resolution upon this subject is moved by Sir C. Napier in the House of Commons— Debate thereon-Speech of Lord C. Paget on behalf of the Government-The motion is agreed to-Debate in the House of Lords on the same question-Speeches of the Earl of Hardwicke, the Duke of Somerset, and Lord Ellenborough-On the 1st of May, Lord Lyndhurst brings the state of our Naval Defences before the House of Lords in an elaborate speech-He compares our preparations and equipments with those of France, and urges the necessity of strengthening our Navy-Speeches of the Duke of Somerset, Lord Hardwicke, and Lord Colchester-Further discussions on the best means of manning the Navy originated by Sir C. Napier and Mr. Lindsay in the House of Commons-Explanations of Lord C. Paget-Mr. Lindsay's motion is negatived-PROMOTION IN THE ARMY-Sir De Lacy Evans moves an Address, having for its object the abolition of the purchase system-Speeches of Captain L. Vernon, Colonel Dickson, Sir F. Smith, Captain Jervis, Colonel Lindsay, Colonel P. Herbert, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Mr. Ellice, and other members-General Evans' motion is rejected by 213 to 59-Lord Panmure raises the same question in the House of Lords, but vindicates the purchase systemSpeeches of Lord De Grey, Lord Lucan, Earl Grey, the Duke of Somerset, and the Duke of Cambridge-FLOGGING IN THE ARMY AND NAVY-Mr. W. Williams moves for returns on this subject, and reprobates the practice-Lord C. Paget recommends that the motion be modified-Remarks of Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir C. Napier, Mr. Buxton, and other members-The motion, as amended, is carriedSir John Pakington moves for a Royal Commission on the system of Promotion and Pay of Naval Officers-It is resisted by the Government, and rejected on a division. FORTIFICATION OF DOCKYARDS AND ARSENALS-Lord Palmerston, on July 23rd, brings before the House of Commons this subject, and recommends defensive measures founded on the Report of the Defence Commission-His speech, explaining the details of the plan, and the proposed mode of defraying the expenditure-Reception of the measure by the House of Commons

-Mr. Lindsay moves an amendment disapproving the expenditure for land fortifications-Mr. Sidney Herbert in a long explanatory speech justifies the recommendations of the Commission-After several speeches, and a reply from Lord Palmerston, the proposition of the Government is affirmed by a majority of 268 against 39-A Bill being brought in to give effect to the resolution, Mr. Edwin James moves its rejection, and is seconded by Sir C. Napier-Mr. Sidney Herbert supports the motion-After full debate, the second reading is carried by 141 to 32 -In the House of Lords, Lord Ellenborough gives his support to the Bill, but thinks further defensive measures desirable-Speech of Lord De Grey and Ripon, who adverts with much satisfaction to the newlyraised Volunteer Corps-The Fortifications Bill is passed.

ILITARY and naval affairs to disembody the Militia as soon

Meraged this year a more as possible, and to add to the regu

than usual share of the attention of Parliament. Questions relating to the discipline and management of the army, the manning of the navy, and its efficiency in the event of war, were raised from time to time, and led to interesting discussions; and towards the latter part of the session, the important subject of fortifying the dockyards and arsenals, which had recently been the object of an inquiry and Report by a Royal Commission, was taken up by the Government, and led to practical results. The Estimates for both branches of the service this year were unprecedentedly large; and in proposing them to the House of Commons, on the 17th February, Mr. Sidney Herbert, the Secretary of State for War, felt it necessary to enter into a fuller explanation than usual, in order to show what were the causes of the increase. He had, he said, to consider in what manner he could expend to the greatest advantage to the country the money Parliament would vote, and he had made a very large outlay upon the new rifled guns, which had proved so valuable in Italy, and which had been largely supplied to the Navy. The Government had thought it better VOL. CII.

lar force, regarding it, as a general rule, inexpedient that the Militia should be embodied in time of peace. He then specified the different branches of the force which it was proposed to augment, the extent of the augmentation, and the reasons upon which it was founded, the apparent increase being 20,000 men beyond the number voted last year, though, in reality, owing to transfers from India and other causes, the increase was not so great. He denied that the military force of this country, amounting to 240,000 men, was too large, or disproportioned to the population, in comparison with other nations; and it must be recollected, he added, that our army was not the army of England only, but of our colonies and of India. Then it was said that our army was a dear one; but he showed, by reference to the cost of other armies, that this was an error. Having got the men, he proceeded to consider how they were commanded, how practised, how clothed, how armed, how fed, and what was the state of their health. Upon all these points he gave minute details. With reference to the health of the army, he stated that a great improvement had [K]

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