upon this adjunction of territory as natural and just. The reception given to the communications addressed by my Government to the Powers represented at the Congress of Vienna authorizes for the majority of them the founded hope of a favourable examination. "My friendship for Switzerland made me look upon it as possible to detach in favour of the Confederation some portions of the territory of Savoy; but, in face of the repulsion shown among you at the idea of seeing a country dismembered which has known how to create for itself through centuries a glorious individuality, and thus give itself a national history, it is natural to declare that I will not constrain the wishes of the populations to the profit of others. As regards the political and commercial interests which unite certain portions of Savoy to Switzerland, it will be easy, I think, to satisfy them by special arrangements."

Another actor was now about to appear on the scene of Italian politics; and we turn to Sicily, where the long-smouldering fire of discontent burst into the volcano of insurrection.

Francis II. had succeeded his father Ferdinand II. on the throne of the Two Sicilies, and he followed his father's footsteps in doing all in his power to alienate the hearts of his people and crush every aspiration of liberty. On the death of Ferdinand II. diplomatic relations, which had been broken off by England and France with the Neapolitan Government, as related in a previous volume,* were renewed by those two Powers with the new Sovereign. His

See Vol. xcviii. p. 236.

un

policy, however, remained changed, and in the month of July, 1859, Lord John Russell wrote to Mr. Elliot, the British Minister at Naples, and said, "It may suit the purposes of those who have thriven on the past abuses to encourage the King to follow in his father's footsteps, for a change of system would probably lead to their ruin; but it appears to Her Majesty's Government that the King has now to choose between the ruin of his evil counsellors and his own if he supports and upholds them, and places himself under their guidance, it requires not much foresight to predict that the Bourbon dynasty will cease to reign at Naples, by whatever combination, Regal or Republican, it may be replaced. Her Majesty's Government fully admit that it is not desirable that any Government should be hasty or intrusive in giving advice regarding domestic changes in another country; but, when the throne of an ally may be endangered, it becomes the duty of a friendly power to say that, notwithstanding its desire to see the present dynasty maintained on the throne of Naples, neither the moral nor the material support of England is to be looked for by the King, if, by a continual denial of justice, and the refusal of an improved form of internal administration, the Neapolitan people should be driven. into insurrection, and should succeed in expelling the present dynasty from the throne.'

At the beginning of April an insurrection broke out in Sicily at Palermo, where the Royal troops were attacked and the city was placed in a state of sicge. The revolt spread rapidly over the island, and Messina, Catania, and

Agrigentum declared against the Government. Guerilla bands traversed the interior, and the movements of the insurgents were directed by a secret revolutionary committee, the names and locality of which were unknown to the Royalists. Frequent contests took place with the Neapolitan troops with various success, but the result was generally in favour of the insurgents, and for a month the revolution raged in the island without any direct assistance from Italy.

But in the meantime Garibaldi was collecting volunteers to take part in the insurrection. He all but openly organized an expedition to Sicily in the dominions of Sardinia, and at length, on the night of the 5th of May, sailed from Genoa with a body of about

2000 men.

On their voyage Garibaldi and his volunteers lay for a day or two off the fortress of Talamona on the Roman frontier, and there he issued a proclamation to the Italians, in which he said :

"Italians!-The Sicilians are fighting against the enemies of Italy and for Italy. To help them with money, arms, and especially men, is the duty of every Italian.

"Let the Marches, Umbria, Sabine, the Roman Campagna, and the Neapolitan territory rise, so as to divide the enemy's forces.

"If the cities do not offer a sufficient basis for insurrection, let the more resolute throw themselves into the open country.

"A brave man can always find a weapon. In the name of Heaven, hearken not to the voice of those who cram themselves at well-served tables.

"Let us arm. Let us fight for our brothers; to-morrow we can fight for ourselves.

"A handful of brave men, who have followed me in battles for our country, are advancing with me to the rescue. Italy knows them; they always appear at the hour of danger. Brave and generous companions, they have devoted their lives to their country; they will shed their last drop of blood for it, seeking no other reward than that of a pure conscience.

"Italy and Victor Emmanuel!' -that was our battle-cry when we crossed the Ticino; it will resound into the very depths of Etna.

"As this prophetic battle-cry re-echoes from the hills of Italy to the Tarpeian Mount, the tottering throne of tyranny will fall to pieces, and the whole country will rise like one man."

With reference to the important question of how far the Sardinian Government was privy to and implicated in the hostile expedition of Garibaldi, we will quote and place in contrast two statements, which will enable our readers to judge of the sincerity of the disavowal by that Government of any connivance in the matter. On the 18th of May, the official journal, the Piedmontese Gazette, declared.

"The Government has disapproved the expedition, and attempted to prevent its departure by such means as prudence and the laws would permit. The Sardinian ships of war had orders to prevent a landing, but could do no more than the Neapolitan vessels which were cruising in the Sicilian waters. Europe knows that the Government of the King does not conceal its solicitude for the common country, but, at the same time, it understands and respects the principles of interna

tional law, and believes its duty to be to make that principle respected in the State for the safety of which it is responsible."

After the expedition had been successful, King Victor Emmanuel, in an address to the people of Southern Italy from Ancona on the 9th of October, said "It was quite natural that the events which had taken place in Central Italy should have more or less excited the minds of the people of South Italy. In Sicily this disposition of the people found vent in open revolt. The people were fighting for liberty in Sicily, when a brave warrior, devoted to Italy and meGeneral Garibaldi-sprang to their assistance. They were Italians; I could not, I ought not to restrain them."

Garibaldi and his volunteers effected a landing at Marsala on the 10th of May, with four pieces of artillery; and on the 14th had advanced to Salemi, where the insurrectionary forces were concentrated to the number of 4000 men. Here he assumed the title of Dictator of Sicily, "in the name of Victor Emmanuel in Italy," declaring that he did so on the invitation of the principal citizens and on the deliberation of the free communes of the island. Next day he marched to Calata Fimi at Monte di Pianto Romano, where he engaged in a sharp encounter with about 3500 Neapolitan troops, under General Landi; and, after an obstinate struggle, completely defeated them, driving them from all their positions, and forcing them to abandon Calata Fimi, which Garibaldi occupied with his troops. He then advanced towards Palermo, and for some time manœuvred in the neighbourhood of Monreale, with the view

of drawing the Neapolitan troops out of the city, in order, by a flank movement, to enter it, while they had marched to meet him at some distance from Palermo. This plan, however, only partially succeeded. The Royalists did concentrate a force outside the town, and advanced towards Corleone, but they afterwards fell back, and it was necessary for the insurgents to attempt to surprise the city by a coup de main.

At daybreak on the morning of the 27th of May (Whit Sunday), Garibaldi, at the head of his volunteers, attacked Palermo, and after an obstinate struggle, drove the Neapolitan troops out of the streets into the citadel, from which they kept up a heavy bombardment for many hours, aided by the Royalist fleet in the harbour. At last, on the proposal of General Lanza, the Neapolitan commander, an armistice was concluded, to continue for three days from the 31st of May, and it was afterwards prolonged by a convention, under the terms of which the Royalist troops were to evacuate Palermo, with the exception of Fort Castellamare, and embark without molestation. Garibaldi now formed a ministry, consisting of Pisano, Crispi, Orsini, and the Abbé Coligni, and remained for some time at Palermo, occupied in the organization of the new Government.

On the 20th of June, a battle was fought at Melazzo, between the insurgents and the Neapolitans, in which Garibaldi was completely victorious. Melazzo lies on the north, about twenty-five miles from Messina, and near the main road which runs along the seashore from that town to Palermo. The Royalists, under General Bosco, advanced out of Melazzo,

and were attacked at daybreak by Garibaldi's troops, when a fierce struggle ensued, which lasted the whole day. At last the Neapolitans gave way, and retreated fighting to the fort, while the insurgents rushed into Melazzo, and after a severe contest in the streets, took possession of the vil

lage. The losses on both sides were heavy, and Garibaldi himself was personally engaged in an encounter with the enemy, and narrowly escaped death. Next morning General Bosco capitulated, and he and his troops were allowed to leave Melazzo, but without their arms.