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Parliament was convoked to meet in Naples on the 10th of September following. Provisions were also made to regulate the liberty of the press, and a Commission was appointed to prepare projects of 1, the Electoral Law; 2, the law for the National Guard; 3, the law for the organization of the Administration; 4, the law for the Council of State; 5, the law for the responsibility of Ministers.

On the 25th of July the French Emperor, conscious of the uneasiness felt in England on account of the policy and conduct of France, addressed a remarkable letter to Count Persigny, the French Ambassador in this country, which is of sufficient interest to be quoted in extenso. Whether the explanations given were satisfactory or not, it is impossible not to be struck with the air of frankness and sincerity which pervades it; and such a familiar epistle from a crowned head, in defence of his Government, has, at least, the merit of novelty.

"St. Cloud, 25th July, 1860. My dear Persigny,-Affairs appear to me to be so complicated thanks to the mistrust excited everywhere since the war in Italy -that I write to you in the hope that a conversation, in perfect frankness, with Lord Palmerston, will remedy the existing evil. Lord Palmerston knows me, and when I aflirm a thing he will believe me. Well, you can tell him from me, in the most explicit manner, that since the peace of Villafranca, I have had but one thought, one object to inaugurate a new era of peace, and to live on the best terms with all my neighbours, and especially with England. I had renounced Savoy and Nice; the extraordinary additions to PiedVOL. CHI.

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mont alone caused me to resume the desire to see re-united to France provinces essentially French. But, it will be objected, You wish for peace, and you increase, immoderately, the military forces of France.' I deny the fact in every sense. My army and my fleet have in them nothing of a threatening character. My steam navy is even far from being adequate to our requirements, and the number of steamers does not nearly equal that of sailing ships deemed necessary in the time of King Louis Philippe. I have 400,000 men under arms; but deduct from this amount 60,000 in Algeria, 6000 at Rome, 8000 in China, 20,000 gendarmes, the sick, and the new conscripts, and you will see-what is the truth-that my regiments are of smaller effective strength than during the preceding reign. The only addition to the Army List has been made by the creation of the Imperial Guard. Moreover, while wishing for peace, I desire also to organize the forces of the country on the best possible foot ing, for, if foreigners have only seen the bright side of the last war, I myself, close at hand, have witnessed the defects, and I wish to remedy them. Having said thus much, I have, since Villafranca, neither done, nor even thought, anything which could alarm any one. When Lavalette started for Constantinople, the instructions which I gave him were confined to this-Use every effort to maintain the status quo; the interest of France is that Turkey should live as long as possible.'

"Now, then, occur the massacres in Syria, and it is asserted that I am very glad to find a new occasion of making a little war, or of playing a new part. Really, people [Q]

give me credit for very little common sense. If I instantly proposed an expedition, it was because my feelings were those of the people which has put me at its head, and the intelligence from Syria transported me with indignation. My first thought, nevertheless, was to come to an understanding with England. What other interest than that of humanity could induce me to send troops into that country? Could it be that the possession of it would increase my strength? Can I conceal from myself that Algeria, notwithstanding its future advantages, is a source of weakness to France, which for thirty years has devoted to it the purest of its blood and its gold? I said it in 1852 at Bordeaux, and my opinion is still the same-I have great conquests to make, but only in France. Her interior organization, her moral development, the increase of her resources, have still immense progress to make. There a field exists vast enough for my ambition, and sufficient to satisfy it.

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how, but without foreign intervention, and that my troops should be able to quit Rome without compromising the security of the Pope. I could very much wish not to be obliged to undertake the Syrian expedition, and, in any case, not to undertake it alone: firstly, because it will be a great expense; and secondly, because I fear that this intervention may involve the Eastern question: but, on the other hand, I do not see how to resist public opinion in my country, which will never understand that we can leave unpunished, not only the massacre of Christians, but the burning of our consulates, the insult to our flag, and the pillage of the monasteries which were under our protection.

"I have told you all I think, without disguising or omitting anything. Make what use you may think advisable of my letter.

"Believe in my sincere
friendship,

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From Messina Garibaldi issued a proclamation, on the 6th of August, to the people of the Neapolitan mainland, in which he said "Sons of the Neapolitan Continent-I have proved that you are brave, but I desire not to make further proof of it. Our blood we will shed together on the bodies of the enemies of Italy. But between us let there be a truce. Accept, generous men, the right hand which has never served a tyrant, but which is hardened in the service of the people. I ask of you to constitute Italy without slaughter of her sons, and with you to serve her and die for her."

During all this time, while the Sicilian insurgents were in possession of Messina, the citadel was

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occupied by the Neapolitan garrison, but no hostilities took place, as it was arranged by a convention that the guns of the citadel should not fire upon the town. And the garrison had not evacuated the place even at the end of the year, so that the only spot of ground held by the Royalist troops in Sicily at its close was the citadel of Messina.

Garibaldi remained at Messina for several weeks, organizing his forces and watching for an opportunity to make a descent on the mainland of Calabria. His troops were collected at Messina and Faro, which is at the extreme north-east point of Sicily, opposite to the fortress of Reggio, where there was a Neapolitan garrison, and Neapolitan war-steamers cruised up and down the Straits, now and then exchanging shots with the shore, but doing no damage. The Neapolitan Government supposed that the invasion would be attempted in the neighbourhood of Reggio, and there they concentrated a considerable body of troops, but the landing took place at a point much lower down, where it was not expected, and no preparation was made to resist it.

Garibaldi crossed the Straits, and effected a disembarkation at Melito on the 19th of August. Here he was joined by a small detachment of his volunteers, who had some days previously, under the command of Major Missori, made a descent from Faro, and had since then taken refuge on the mountains, where they were joined by Calabrian insurgents, but were not in sufficient strength to make head against the Neapolitan troops. Garibaldi quitted Melito on the 20th, and marched along the road

by the sea-shore upon Reggio, which is a long and narrow town lying on the beach and surrounded by the hills above it. In order to attack the place, he divided his force into three columns, one under himself, on the right, which was to get possession of the hills and the higher part of the town, which rises in that direction; another, which was to operate against the centre towards the bridge; and the third to the left, which was to advance along the sea-shore. The Neapolitans, however, hardly attempted a resistance. They retreated as the column of the volunteers advanced, and the greater number of them fairly ran away out of the town to San Giovanni. In less than two hours after the firing began, the town was cleared of Royalist, troops and the fort alone remained in their hands. In the meantime, boatloads of insurgents, under the command of General Cosens, covered the Straits from the Faro point, and landed near Reggio, notwithstanding the abortive efforts of some Neapolitan steamers to prevent their landing. The fort of Reggio after a short fire, during which the officer in command was mortally wounded, hoisted a white flag, and surrendered, on the conditions that the garrison were to evacuate the place with their arms and baggage, and leave behind them all the materiel of the fort, which comprised a considerable number of cannon and 500 stand of arms. Garibaldi next advanced upon San Giovanni, a straggling village on the sea-shore, where the Neapolitans, under General Briganti, had taken up a position, which was entirely commanded by the heights above. He himself marched along the hills, while another body of his

men simultaneously advanced by a road along the shore, and a detachment was also sent on by a more circuitous route to occupy the ground in the rear of the Royalists, who thus found themselves surrounded on all sides. So confident was Garibaldi that they would surrender, that he forbade his troops to fire, and the result proved that he was right, for in a short time a flag of truce came over from the enemy, and after a little hesitation shouts arose amongst the Royalists of "Viva Garibaldi! Viva l'Italia!" And Garibaldi himself went down amongst them, where he was received with such enthusiasm that he was almost torn to pieces "by hugging and embracing." The Neapolitan soldiers, who were about 2000 in number, were told that they might, if they pleased, depart to their homes, and they joyfully abandoned their arms and availed themselves of the permission.

On the 24th of August, the uncle of the King of Naples, the Count of Syracuse, addressed a letter to his royal nephew, in which he called upon him to follow the example of their kinswoman, the Duchess of Parma, "who, on the breaking out of civil war, released her subjects from their allegiance, and left them to be arbiters of their own destinies." "Europe," he added, "and your subjects will take your sublime sacrifice into account, and you, Sire, will be able to raise your brow in confidence up to God, who will reward the magnanimous act of your Majesty."

King Francis II., however, had no such intention, for, as the result showed, he was resolved to cling to sovereignty to the last. A few

days afterwards his ministers resigned, and the alarm which they felt cannot be more plainly shown than by the fact that several of them, not thinking themselves safe in the capital, slept on board the British Admiral's ship in the harbour. Prince Ischitella, who was very unpopular, was removed from the command of the National Guard, and General Viglia was appointed commander of the Army of Naples. But it was too late. Disaffection showed itself in the army itself, and various towns broke out into open revolt, and declared for Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel. Two regiments of dragoons that were sent to restore order at Foggia joined the insurgents. Six regiments refused to march against Potenza, shouting "Viva Garibaldi!" and General Floraz, who commanded in Apulia, informed the Government that he was left alone with his staff.

The ministry resigned, and the King found it impossible to form another. In the bitterness of his soul he exclaimed, "Then I am abandoned by all!" and he determined to leave his capital, which Garibaldi was rapidly approaching. He issued a proclamation, in which he declared that he had not entertained a single thought that was not devoted to the happiness and good of his subjects, and on the morning of the 6th of September embarked on board a steamer and sailed to Gaeta, a strong fortress on the coast, which, with that of Capua, was all that now remained to him of his dominions.

Two days afterwards, Garibaldi entered Naples with a few of his staff, having reached it from Salerno by the railway train! He came, not at the head of victorious

legions with all the pomp and circumstance of war, but as a firstclass passenger in a railway carriage! He had dethroned the Bourbon dynasty and marched from Melito to Naples, with hardly the loss of a single man since the moment when he first set foot on the Calabrian shore.

Let us now, however, turn to the Papal States, where in the meantime insurrectionary movements were taking place in different parts of the territory. At Tesaro, in the Marches, and at Montefeltro, Urbino, and other towns, the inhabitants rose in revolt, and proclaimed Victor Emmanuel as their King. This happened at the beginning of September.

The Papal Government had made every effort to increase its army, and recruiting agents had been sent into different countries to procure volunteers. In Ireland a considerable number of men were collected, who left the island on pretence of being employed as "navvies" or railway labourers, but the object of their departure was perfectly well known. Gene. ral Lamoriciero was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Pontifical army, and during the spring and summer he was actively employed in organizing his heterogeneous force and garrisoning the different towns and places where disaffection was most prevalent. At the beginning of September General Lamoricière received a message from General Fanti, who commanded the Piedmontese army in the Romagna, to the effect that he would occupy with his forces Umbria and the Marches, if the Papal troops attempted to repress by force any manifestation of the inhabitants in the national sense.'

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General Lamoricière replied that he had no authority to discuss the question, and he transmitted the message to Rome. Soon afterwards he received a despatch from the Minister of War there (which he took care to communicate to his troops, to encourage them), which stated that the French Embassy at Rome had been informed that the Emperor Napoleon had written to the King of Piedmont, declaring that if he attacked the Papal States he would be opposed by him by force (colla forza)." It turned out, however, that the important words "by force" were an interpolation of the Minister of War, and this afterwards led to an angry correspondence on the subject between that Minister and the Duc de Grammont, the French Ambassador at Rome.*

To increase the difficulties of his position, General Lamoricière found himself suddenly almost without funds. A sum of 20,000l., which had been sent by the Pope to Ancona, to be reserved for some great emergency, had disappeared. It had been spent on ordinary purposes-nobody seemed to know how, for no accounts were kept of

We are bound to say that the Minister of War might well be excused for thinking that he gave faithfully the meaning of the French Emperor; for the telegraphic despatch which the Due de Grammont sent to the French Consul at Ancona was in the following words "The Emperor has written from Marseilles to the King of Sardinia, that if the Pic Imontese troops penetrate into the Pontifical territories, he should be obliged

to oppose them. Orders have already been given to embark troops at Toulon

reinforcements will arrive thea in relately. The Government of the Enter r will not tolerate the culpable aggression of the Pardinian Governinent.

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