Bibliographies. W. E. Foster's References to Presidential Administrations, pp. 12-15; Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, vii. 320-323, 341–343, 420-437, 457-460, 522-524.

Historical Maps Nos. 1 and 4, this volume (Epoch Maps, Nos. 7 and 9); MacCoun's Historical Geography; Henry Adams's History of the United States, vi., vii., viii., passim; Anderson's Canada [1814]; Arrowsmith's Map of the United States [1813]; Scribner's Statistical Atlas, Plate 14.

General Accounts. Hildreth's History of the United States, vi. 149-674; Von Holst's Constitutional History, i. 226-272; Schouler's History of the United States, ii. 194-444; McMaster's History of the People of the United States, iii. 339-560 (to 1812); Bryant and Gay's Popular History of the United States, iv. 185-244; Tucker's History of the United States, ii. 349-515; iii. 21-145; Bradford's Constitutional History, i. 330-410.

Special Histories. - Henry Adams's History of the United States, vols. v.-ix.; C. Schurz's Henry Clay, i. 38-137; S. H. Gay's Madison, pp. 283-337 ; C. J. Ingersoll's Historical Sketch of the Second War; T. Roosevelt's Naval War of 1812; J. Armstrong's Notices of the War of 1812; B. J. Lossing's Pictorial Field-book of the War of 1812; H. M. Brackenridge's History of the Late War; William Jones's Military Occurrences, and Naval Occurrences.

Contemporary Accounts.-J. Q. Adams's Memoirs, vols. ii., iii. (chap. ix. ); S. G. Goodrich's Recollections, i. 435-514; ii. 9-60; Dolly Madison's Memoirs and Letters; John Randolph's Letters to a Young Relative; S. Leech's Thirty Years from Home (by a seaman of the Macedonian); W. Cobbett's Pride of Britannia Humbled (1815); Coggeshall's History of the American Privateers; William Sullivan's Familiar Letters on Public Characters, 290-355; Dwight's History of the Hartford Convention.

Madison's

107. Non-Intercourse Laws (1809, 1810).

JAMES MADISON, who became President March 4, 1809, felt that his administration was to be a continuation of that of Jefferson; and he took over administra- three members of Jefferson's cabinet, including Gallatin. The Secretary of State, Robert Smith, was incapable, and Madison was practically his own foreign minister.

tion.

The condition of European affairs was, on the whole, favorable to America. In 1807 Russia had formed an

The situa

tion abroad.

alliance with France and had accepted the Continental System, thus cutting off American trade; but in 1808 the French lost ground in Spain, and the Spanish and Portuguese ports were thus opened to American commerce. Nevertheless a hundred and eight merchantmen were captured by England in 1808. To defend American commerce and the national honor, the administration possessed but three weapons,

Non-intercourse Act.

- war,

retaliatory legislation, and diplomacy. War meant both danger and sacrifice; there was already a deficit in the Treasury. Congress, therefore, continued to legislate, while at the same time attempts were made to negotiate with both France and England. The Non-intercourse Act continued in force throughout 1809, and hardly impeded American commerce; trade with England and France went on through a few intermediary ports such as Lisbon and Riga, and there was Favora- a brisk direct trade under special license of one or the other of the powers. The shipping engaged in foreign trade now reached a higher point than ever before. The profits of American vessels were so great that forged American papers were openly sold in England. The defection of New England was stayed, and the President was supported by a fair majority in

ble trade.

1809, 1810.]

Non-intercourse.

201

both Houses. It remained to be seen whether nonintercourse would have any effect in securing a withdrawal of the offensive orders and decrees.

108. Fruitless Negotiations (1809-1811).

On April 19, 1809, Madison obtained what seemed a diplomatic triumph; Erskine, the new British envoy, The Erskine signed a formal agreement that the British treaty government should withdraw the Orders in Council. A proclamation was then issued, announcing that trade might be renewed with Great Britain. As France had from the first protested that her Decrees were simply retaliatory, it was expected that they would in due time also be annulled. The satisfaction of the country was short-lived: Erskine had gone beyond his instructions. Once more the opportunity to conciliate the United States was thrown away by England; his agreement was formally disavowed; and on August 9 the President had the mortification of issuing a second proclamation, announcing that the Orders had not been withdrawn, and that trade with England was still forbidden.

Another British minister, James Jackson, was received October 1, and began his negotiation by asserting that Jackson's Madison had tricked Erskine into signing an negotiation. agreement which the American government knew he was not authorized to make. The charge was denied, and his relations were finally closed on November 8 by a note in which he was informed that inasmuch as he "had used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, no further communications will be received." Having thus practically been dismissed for brutally insulting the government to which he was accredited, Jackson made a tour of the Eastern States, and was received with

hospitality and enthusiasm by the leading New England Federalists.

No. 2

From France no satisfaction could be obtained during 1809. To remove all restrictions on commerce was to Macon Bill give up everything; but Congress was tired of resistance, and on May 1, 1810, passed the "Macon Bill No. 2," which was practically a surrender of all the principles at stake. It provided that commerce should be free, but that if either England or France should withdraw her Orders or Decrees, intercourse should be prohibited with the nation which retained them. The probable effect on France was speedily seen by the publication of a Decree which had been issued Anger of France. March 23, 1810: it declared that all American vessels which had entered French ports after the date of the Non-Intercourse Act of 1809 were to be seized. This was practically an act of war. The Macon bill now suggested to the Emperor that the Americans might be entrapped into another ambush: on August 5 his foreign minister wrote to Armstrong, the American minister, that "the Emperor loves the Americans," and that he

Pretended revocation by France.

would revoke the Milan and Berlin Decrees from November 1, provided England would withdraw her Orders in Council. Five days earlier the secret Decree of the Trianon had ordered the seizure of all American vessels that might reach French ports. The object of these measures was to entice American vessels within the reach of the French, and the ruse was successful. November 1 the President issued a proclamation declaring trade with England suspended because France had withdrawn her Decrees. Then ensued a long diplomatic discussion: since captures of American vessels by French cruisers continued, the British government refused to admit that the Decrees had been withdrawn, and complained of the prohibition

1809-1811.]

Fruitless Negotiations.

203

of English trade. On December 25 Napoleon drew in his net by a general order for the seizure of all American vessels in French ports; and property to the value of about ten million dollars was thus confiscated.

Fruitless negotiation with England.

The British ministry kept its promise to Jackson, not to recall him till the end of a year. In February, 1811, Pinkney, our minister in London, demanded his passports, and left England with a tacit threat of war. The British government instantly sent a fourth minister, Mr. Foster, to the United States, and on June 13, 1811, reparation was made for the "Leopard-Chesapeake " outrage. This tardy act was received with coldness: four weeks earlier the English corvette "Little Belt" had fired upon the American frigate "President; the fire was returned, and the "Little Belt" captured.

Madison's first Congress.

109. The War Party (1811).

The responsibility for peace or war was now thrown upon the Congress which assembled Nov. 4, 1811. It had been elected at a time when it was believed that France had at last withdrawn the Decrees, and it had a strong Republican majority in both branches; there were but six Federalists in the Senate, and thirty-seven in the House. Even Massachusetts had chosen a Republican senator.

The young

The new Congress had little of the timid spirit of its predecessor. It contained an unusual number of vigorous young men. Among the members who Republicans. appeared for the first time in the House were John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, and William Lowndes; two years later Daniel Webster took his seat. The first act of the new House was to elect as its Speaker Henry Clay of Kentucky,· -a young man for the first time a member of the House, and known to be in favor of