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the deftruction of regal power. How do you know this? you will fay; you who have been confined' to your chamber. True: but in the first period I went every where, and heard nothing elfe; in the latter, I have been extremely vifited, and have had long and explicit conversations with many who think as I tell you, and with a few of the other fide, who are no lefs perfuaded that there are fuch intentions. In particular, I had two officers here t'other night, neither of them young, whom I had difficulty to keep from a serious quarrel, and who, in the heat of the difpute, informed me of much more than I could have learnt with great pains."

From the fecret correfpondence" of these Philofophers, it appears that in 1743, Voltaire was plotting with the King of Pruffia to plunder the Ecclefiaftical Princes, and the religious Orders of their poffeffions. In 1764, he fent a Memorial to the Duke of Praflin, on the Abolition of Tythes, in hope of depriving the clergy of their fubfiftence. In 1770, he writes, "I like to cover thefe harlequin bull-givers (Popes) with ridicule, but I had rather plunder them." D'Alembert advifed, that the clergy fhould be deprived of their confequence in the State, before they were

plundered

plundered of their poffeffions, and that the danger of letting the clergy form a diftinct body in the ftate, fhould therefore be reprefented in ftrong colours. Frederick fays, "If we wish to diminish fanaticifm, we must not begin by the bishops. But if we fucceed in leffening the friarhoods, especially the mendicant orders, the people will cool; and they being lefs fuperftitious, will then allow the powers to bring down the bifhops as best suits their states. This is the only poffible mode of proceeding." In 1761, Voltaire writes," Had I but 100,000 men, I well know what I would do with them." In 1767, Frederick fays, "It is not the lot of arms to destroy the wretch.. It will perish by the force of truth." But in. 1775, he thinks that force muft ftrike the last blow at religion. "To Bayle, your forerunner, and to yourself no doubt, is due the honour of that Revolution working in the minds of men. But to speak the truth, it is not yet complete; bigots have their party, and it will never be perfected but by a fuperior force. From government must the fentence iffue that fall crush the wretch. Minifters may forward it, but the will of the fovereign muft accede. Without doubt this will be effectuated in time; but neither of us can be fpectators of that long-wished for moment." Voltaire however

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was more fanguine; he writes in the fame year, We hope that Philofophy, which in

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France is near the throne, will foon be on it."

Can any thing more exactly defcribe the defign of these chiefs to set up a civil power for the express purpofe of crushing Chriftianity? Can any thing more exactly correfpond with this defign, than the Power now reigning in France?

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The Secret committee for the exprefs purpose of executing this defign against Christianity, was established in Baron Holbach's. house at Paris, between the year 1763 and 1766, twenty-three years before the Revolution actually took place. This committee was the centre of union, when in 1778 the focieties of France and of Germany-the Sophifts and the Illuminati-were united by means of Mirabeau; and this important connexion was celebrated under the name of the German Union. Thus ftrengthened we find them extending their operations. "We must encompass the powers of the earth with a legion of indefatigable men, all directing their labours according to the plan of the Order, towards the happi nefs of human nature and seek thofe places which give power, for the good of the cause.

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But all must be done in profound filence." In 1786 they instituted "The Propaganda,' club aiming at nothing lefs than being the mover of all human nature." It appears from their Reports, that this fociety" found much difficulty in gaining footing in Holland, and only fucceeded at last by perfuading the people there, that they must be fwept away by the general torrent. In 1791, it drew large fums of money from all those Provinces, for the general fund. In 1792, one of the principal members writes from thence, "The Propaganda is at present in full activity. You will foon fee its effects."

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At an early period of the Revolution in France, this fraternity of Illuminated FreeMafons took the name of Jacobins, from the name of a convent where they held their meetings. They then counted 300,000 adepts, and were fupported by two millions of men scattered through France, armed with torches and pikes, and all the neceffary implements of revolution." "Till the twelfth of Auguft 1792, the French Jacobins had only dated the annals of their Revolution by the years of their pretended liberty. On that day when the King was carried prifoner to the Temple, after having been declared to have forfeited his right to the

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crown, the rebel affembly decreed, that to the date of liberty, the date of equality should be added in future in all public acts, and the decree itself was dated the fourth year of liberty, the firft year and day of equality. It was on that day for the first time, that the fecret of FreeMasonry was made public. That fecret fo dear to them, and which they had preserved with all the folemnity of the most inviolable oath. At the reading of this famous decree, they exclaimed, We have at length fucceeded, and France is no other than an immenfe Lodge. The whole French people are Free-Mafons, and the whole universe will foon follow their Example.' I witneffed this enthusiasm. I heard the conversations to which it gave rife. I saw Masons, till then referved, who freely and openly declared, Yes, at length the grand object of Free-Mafonry is accomplished-liberty and equality! All men are equal and brothers; all men are free. That was the whole fubftance of our doctrine; the object of our wishes, the whole of our grand fecret 2 !”

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Now, when we confider the peculiar meaning which their own writings have proved to be annexed to these words When we recollect

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