(ƒ) AntiMachiavel,

F. 192, 8vo.

Lond, 1741.
See alfo

Gordon's

Tacitus,

vol. iv. p. 331, 12mo.

Lond. 1753.

(g) Life of K. Charles, P. 2.

(b) Obferva

obferved to be very obftinate (w); and stiff

he

'to impofe on the public, imposes upon none but himfelf (ƒ).'

(w) In his early youth he was obferved to be very obftinate, &c.] Here are my proofs. His childhood, fays Perinchief, was blemished with a fuppofed obftinacy: difcourfes on for the weakness of his body inclining him to retirements, and the imperfection of his speech rendering discourse tedious and unpleasant, he was fufpected to be fomewhat perverse (g).'—Lilly tells us, he was noted to be very wilful and obftinate by queen Anne his 'mother, and fome others who were then about him : his mother being then told he was very fick and like to die, faid, he would not then die, or at that time; but live to be the ruin of himself, and the occafion of the lofs of his three kingdoms, by his too much wilfulnefs. The old Scotifh lady his nurfe was used to affirm C as much, and that he was of a very evil nature, even in his infancy; and the lady, who after took charge of ' him, cannot deny it, but that he was beyond measure wilful and unthankful (b).'-Perinchief, after taking tions on the notice of his fuppofed obftinacy, adds, "But more age ⚫ and ftrength fitting him for manlike exercises, and the public hopes inviting him from his privacies, he delivered the world from fuch fears. His tenacious humour he left with his retirements, none being more defirous of good counfel, nor any more obfequious when he found it; yea, too diftruftful of his own judgment, which the iffue of things proved always best when it was followed.' The reader will judge of the truth of this bye and bye. I have heard my father, fays Coke, (though not a courtier, yet acquainted with many courtiers) fay, that they would oft pray to God, that the prince might be in the right way where he fet; for if he were in the wrong, he would prove the most wilful of any king that ever reigned (i).'—I will produce a few more proofs, to fet this matter beyond all 211, Lond, doubt. In the year 1627, 'tis well known, many gen-. 8vo. 1694. tlemen were imprisoned for refufing the loan, on account

life and death of king Charles, p.

2.

(i) Coke's

detection, vol. i. p.

of

he remarkably was during his whole reign: though

of its illegality; among these, many feared would be fir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards earl of Strafford. In order to bring him to a compliance with the king's meafures, his brother-in-law, the lord Clifford, writes to him in these words: My dear brother, I cannot hope to fee you receive the leaft favour, that the great ones can 'abridge you of, if you ftill refufe; neither dare any 'move the king in the behalf of any gentleman refufer; for his heart is fo inflamed in this bufinefs, as he vows a perpetual remembrance, as well as prefent punishment. And though the duke [Buckingham] will be 'fhortly gone, yet no man can expect to receive any eafe by his abfence, fince the king takes the punish'ment into his own direction (k). In a letter to the queen, dated Oxford, Jan. 9, 44, patches of after telling her that Uxbridge was appointed for the place Thomas earl of treaty between him and the parliament, he adds, in a of Strafford, poftfcript, The fettling of religion, and the militia, are the firft to be treated on: and be confident, that I will Lond. 1739. neither quit epifcopacy, nor that fword which God hath given into my hands (1). And we find in Laud's (1) King's Diary, that he being terrified, by reafon of fome speeches cabinet, p uttered, that there must be a parliament, fome must

my

(*) Letters

and dif

vol. i. p.

38, folio,

I.

Wharton,

P. 42.

• be facrificed, and he as like as any, he told it; whereupon the king faid, Let me defire you not to trouble < yourself with any reports, till you fee me forfake other friends (m).' In fhort, Charles was very deter- (m) Laud's mined in all his affairs, and was not eafily moved from diary, by his refolutions by any but his favourites. Lord Clarendon obferves, that he had an excellent understanding, but was not confident enough of it; which made him often change his own opinion for a worfe, and follow the advice of men that did not judge fo well as himself." Burnet tells us, that he was out of measure set on following his humour, but unreasonably feeble to those whom he trufted, chiefly to the queen (n).' And we() Burnet find in fact, that stiff as he was in the matter of the loan, P. 70. he relinquished it by act of parliament, tho' he foon re

G 3

turned

(e) Clarendon, vol. v.

P. 103.

though moft writers agree that he was easily

८

go

turned to the practice of it; that he confented to confirm by act of parliament in England, prefbyterian government, the directory for worship, and the affembly of divines at Westminster for three years (o).' And that, notwithstanding his fteddinefs to his friends, he gave up Strafford to the block. After the civil war commenced, many endeavours were ufed, from time to time, to bring matters to an accommodation by way of treaty; but ftill fome one unlucky accident or other rendered them all abortive. At the treaty of Uxbridge, though the parliament's demands were high, and the king fhewed a more than ordinary averfion to comply ' with them; yet the ill pofture of the king's affairs at that time, and the fatal confequences they feared would ⚫ follow upon breaking off of the treaty, obliged a great many of the king's friends, and more particularly that noble perfon the earl of Southampton, who had gonepoft from Uxbridge to Oxford for that purpose, to prefs the king again and again, upon their knees, to yield to the neceffity of the times; and by giving his affent to` fome of the moft material propofitions that were fent him, to settle a lafting peace with his people. The ⚫king was at laft prevailed with to follow their counsel ; and the next morning was appointed for figning at warrant to his commiffioners to that effect. And fo fure were they of a happy end of all differences, that the king at fupper complaining that his wine was not good, one told him merrily, he hoped his majesty • would drink better before the week was over, at Guild• hall with the lord-mayor. But fo it was, that when they came early to wait upon him with the warrant, that had been agreed upon over night, they found his majefty had changed his refolution, and was become inflexible in thefe points (p).' Bifhop Burnet gives us wood, p.45. pretty near the fame account, which he received, he says, (9) Burnet, from lord Hollis (q).

(p) Wel

vol. i, p. 55.

I fhall conclude this note with the words of Mr. Hume.
There are two circumftances in his character, feem-

governed by his favourites, who frequently gave him counfel no way falutary to his affairs.

His understanding was far enough from being defpicable (x), his enemies them

felves

ingly incompatible, which attended him during the 'whole courfe of his reign, and were the chief cause of all his misfortunes: he was very fteddy, and even ob• ftinate in his purpose; and he was eafily governed, by reason of his facility, and of his deference to men, much inferior to himself both in morals and underftanding. His great ends he inflexibly maintained: but the means of attaining them, he readily received • from his ministers and favourites, though not always fortunate in his choice (r).' (x) His understanding was far enough from being de- history, vol. fpicable, &c.] Some of the following quotations prove the truth of what is contained in the foregoing note, and will ferve as a supplement to it. As they tend to illustrate the character of Charles, they cannot be omitted; and I doubt not the reader will be pleased with them. • Had

his judgment been as found, as his conception was < quick and nimble, fays Lilly, he had been a moft ac'complished gentleman; and though in moft dangerous refults, and extraordinary ferious confultations, and < very material, either for ftate or commonwealth, he ' would of himself give the most solid advice, and found < reasons, why fuch or fuch a thing fhould be fo, or not fo; yet was he moft eafily withdrawn from his own moft wholfome and found advice or refolutions; and " with as much facility drawn on, inclined, to embrace < a far more unfafe, and nothing fo wholfome a counsel. He would argue logically, and frame his arguments artificially; yet never almoft had the happiness to con<clude or drive on a defign in his own fenfe, but was

(r) Hume's

i, P. 158.

ever baffled by meaner capacities (s).'-In the Dedica- (3) Lilly's tion to his majesty of the first part of the Hiftory of In- obfervations, dependency, Mr. Walker hints his opinion of the king's P. II,

G 4

under

felves being judges: and, if we will believe his

.

understanding, and his liablenefs to be drawn afide by two forts of men, to enlarge the prerogative to his own hurt. Let us hear him in his own words. • God hath curfed him that removeth the bound-marks of his neighbour: this is a comprehenfive curfe: kings, en6 larging their prerogatives beyond their limits, are not excepted from it. You may be pleafed to take heed therefore of two forts of men, moft likely to mislead you in this point; ambitious lawyers, who teach the law to speak, not what the legiflators meant, but what C you fhall feem to defire.-The fecond fort is parafitical divines: these ear-wigs are always hovering in princes C courts, hanging in their ears. They take upon them to make princes beholding to their violent wrefting of the text, to beftow upon them whatever prerogative the kings of Juda and Ifrael ufed or ufurped; as if the judicials of Mofes were appointed by God for all commonwealths, all kings: as a good bishoprick or living is fit for every prieft that can catch it. These men

having their beft hopes of preferment from princes, 'make divinity to be but organon politicum, an inftrument of government, and harden the hearts of princes, Pharaoh-like: kings delight to be tickled by fuch venerable warrantable flattery. Sir, you have more means to prefer them than other men, therefore they apply themselves more to you than other men do. Tu facis • hunc dominum, te facit ille Deum. The king makes the . poor prieft a lord, and rather than he will be behind

with the king in courtefie, he will flatter him above the ⚫ condition of a mortal, and make him a god royal. Sir, ⚫ permit me to give you this antidote against this poyson; let an act be paffed, that all fuch divines as either by preaching, writing, or difcourfing, fhall advance your prerogative and power above the known laws and liberties of the land, forfeit all his ecclefiaftical preferments ipfo facto, and be incapable ever after, and for ever banished your court. But above all, learn to trust in your judgment. Plus aliis de te quam tu tibi credere

• noli: