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1775.

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ADDRESS MOVED BY CHATHAM.

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past he had seen in the clearest light the urgent necessity of reconciliation with America. Not indeed that he could be blind to the manifold grounds of provocation which Massachusetts had afforded. But he felt that provocation could no longer be treated as such when it came from one united province, and when it was supported by eleven provinces more. He felt, as Burke at the same period truly and finely said, that he did not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people. There remained then only the hope, perhaps too sanguine, yet such as full success had crowned in the case of the Highland regiments, to disarm inveterate hostility by generous confidence. With these views Chatham appeared in the House of Lords on the 20th of January, without any previous notice of his precise object, having only in general terms announced a motion on American affairs. The Bar was crowded with Americans, amongst others, by Chatham's own invitation, Dr. Franklin. The other hearers comprised young William Pitt, who writing to his mother next morning gives an animated account of the debate. "No wonder," says he, 66 my father is lame from standing so long; his first speech lasted above an hour, and the second half an ❝ hour, surely the two finest speeches that ever were "made before, unless by himself. The matter "and manner both were striking; far beyond what I can express."+Chatham moved an Address to the King praying that in order to open a way towards allaying the ferments and softening the animosities in America His Majesty would send orders to General Gage to remove his troops as soon as possible from the town of Boston. (6 Laying of papers on your table," he cried, or counting numbers in a division, will not avert or postpone the hour of danger; it must arrive, my Lords, "unless these fatal Acts of last Session are done away; "it must arrive in all its horrors. But it is not

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* Works, vol. iii. p. 69. ed. 1815.

† Chatham Papers, vol. iv. p. 377. A good report (good at least for that day) of these celebrated speeches was taken by Hugh Boyd and first published in 1779. It was on this occasion that Dr. Franklin used the remarkable expressions of praise which I have elsewhere cited. (vol. iii. p. 20. sec. ed.)

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merely repealing these Acts of Parliament, it is not cancelling a piece of parchment, that can win back "America to our bosom; you must repeal her fears and “her resentments, and you may then hope for her love ❝and gratitude. But now, insulted with an armed force "at Boston; irritated with an hostile array before her eyes; her concessions, even if you could force them, "would be suspicious and insecure. But it is more "than evident that you cannot force them, united as they are, to your unworthy terms of submission. It is impossible; and when I hear General Gage censured for “inactivity, I must retort with indignation on those "whose headlong measures and improvident councils "have betrayed him into his present situation. His "situation reminds me, my Lords, of the answer of a "French General in the civil wars of France,-Monsieur "de Condé opposed to Monsieur de Turenne. He was "asked how it happened that he did not take his adversary prisoner as he was often very near him. Beક . cause,'-replied Condé very honestly, because I am

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"afraid he might take me!'

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"When your Lordships look at the papers transmitted us from America, when you consider their decency, firmness, and wisdom, you cannot but respect their cause, and wish to make it your own. For myself I "must declare and avow that in all my reading of history, and it has been my favourite study; I have "read Thucydides and have admired the master-states "of the world, -no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. "All attempts to impose servitude on such men, to esta"blish despotism over such a mighty Continent, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retract; let us retract while we can, not when we "must. I say we must necessarily undo these violent "oppressive Acts; they must be repealed; you will repeal them; I pledge myself for it that you will in the "end repeal them. I stake my reputation on it. I will "consent to be taken for an idiot if they are not finally "repealed. Avoid then this humiliating disgraceful ne

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cessity.. To conclude, my Lords, if the Ministers "thus persevere in misadvising and misleading the King,

1775.

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CHATHAM AND FRANKLIN.

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"I will not say that they can alienate the affections of his subjects from his Crown, but I will affirm that they "will make the Crown not worth his wearing; I will not "say that the King is betrayed, but I will pronounce "that the kingdom is undone."

The motion of Chatham was ably supported by his friends Lords Shelburne and Camden. Lord Rockingham also said a few words in its favour. But the Ministers opposed it with much warmth; instead of recalling troops from Boston, they said it would rather behove them to send more. On a division only 18 Peers were found to vote for the motion; against it 68.-It was noticed that this small minority comprised both Lord Grosvenor and the Duke of Cumberland. His Royal Highness-it may be said in passing-was not long in joining without reserve the ranks of Opposition. Once in the lobby of the House he walked up to Dr. Price to compliment him on a most vehement pamphlet in favour of the Americans which Dr. Price had lately written. "I sat up to read · "it last night,” said the Duke, “so late that it had almost "blinded me!". "On the greater part of the nation,” observed Dunning who was standing by, "it has had exactly the opposite effect; it has opened their eyes!".

Far from being daunted by the late division, and resolved to leave no effort untried to avert a civil war, Chatham with characteristic energy forthwith applied himself to prepare and present to the House " a Pro“visional Bill for settling the Troubles in America.” In the framing of this measure he sought the counsel and aid of Dr. Franklin. Already in the month of August preceding they had become acquainted, through the mediation of Lord Stanhope, who carried Dr. Franklin to Hayes.) Lord Chatham had then referred to the idea which began to prevail in England that America aimed at setting up for itself as a separate state. The truth of any such idea was loudly denied by Dr. Franklin. )“ I "assured his Lordship that having more than once tra"velled almost from one end of the Continent to the "other, and kept a great variety of company, eating, drinking, and conversing with them freely, I never had heard in any conversation from any person, drunk or "sober, the least expression of a wish for a separation,

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"or hint that such a thing would be advantageous to "America. In fine, Lord Chatham expressed "much satisfaction in my having called upon him, and particularly in the assurances I had given him that "America did not aim at independence.' ""* Yet these assurances, however earnest or frequently repeated, by no means expressed the true and inmost thoughts of Franklin. At this very period a young American from Boston, Mr. Josiah Quincy, arrived in England. He had taken a zealous part with the "Sons of Liberty," as they termed themselves, of his native province, and in London had almost daily intercourse with Dr. Franklin, his father's early friend. In one of his secret letters to his confederates at Boston, dated the 27th of November 1774, Mr. Quincy says: "Dr. Franklin is an American in “heart and soul; you may trust him; his ideas are not "contracted within the narrow limits of exemption from taxes, but are extended upon the broad scale of total "emancipation. He is explicit and bold upon the sub"ject." †

At the time in question Chatham was not, and could not be, aware of this double game. Confiding in Dr. Franklin's truthfulness, and knowing the great influence of his name in America, he was most anxious to secure his co-operation in his healing measure. As a channel of communication Chatham employed Lord Mahon, who, already his kinsman by birth, had recently become his son-in-law. Lord Mahon had been bred at Geneva; "that little but learned Republic" as he long afterwards termed it, where he had imbibed an eager, nay enthusiastic, attachment both for liberty and science. At the age of only seventeen he had gained the gold medal prize from the Academy at Copenhagen for the best Essay on the Vibrations of the Pendulum; and since that time he had zealously pursued the experiments of Franklin upon Electricity. To Franklin therefore at his lodgings in Craven Street was Lord Mahon now despatched by Chatham, requesting a visit from the philosopher at Hayes.

* Works, vol. v. p. 7. ed. 1844. Franklin's own narrative of these conferences and negotiations was written on his voyage homewards in the form of a letter to his son, the date being March 22. 1775. † Life by Jared Sparks, p. 372.

1775.

INTERVIEW IN CRAVEN STREET.

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The philosopher went as invited, and some preliminary conversation ensued. Next Sunday morning the Earl returned the visit in Craven Street, bringing with him his plan of conciliation ready written out for Dr. Franklin to keep awhile and consider carefully. "I am come,” said Chatham, "to set my judgment by yours as men set "their watches by a regulator." "His Lordship," adds Franklin, stayed with me near two hours, his equipage waiting at the door; and being there while people were coming from Church it was much taken "notice of and talked of, as at that time was every little "circumstance that men thought might possibly any way "affect American affairs. Such a visit from so great a man on so important a business flattered not a little my vanity; and the honour of it gave me the more pleasure, as it happened on (the 29th of January) the very day twelvemonth that the Ministry had taken so "much pains to disgrace me before the Privy Council."

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On the Tuesday following (for time was precious since Chatham intended to make his motion on the Wednesday) Franklin once more repaired to Hayes with the Draft Bill and some notes of his own upon it. "I stayed,” says he, near four hours, but his Lordship in the manner of, I think, all eloquent persons was so full and "diffuse in supporting every particular I questioned that "there was not time to go through half my memoranda. "He is not easily interrupted, and I had such pleasure "in hearing him that I found little inclination to interrupt him. Therefore considering that neither of us "had much expectation that the plan would be adopted entirely as it stood, and that in the course of its con"sideration if it should be received proper alterations might be introduced, I therefore ceased my

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querying. And though afterwards many people were pleased to do me the honour of supposing I had a con-“siderable share in composing it; I assure you that the "addition of a single word only was made at my instance, namely, CONSTITUTIONS after CHARTERS; for my filling up at his request a blank with the titles of Acts proper "to be repealed, which I took from the proceedings of "the Congress, was no more than might have been done by any copying clerk." Franklin perhaps was not

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