**The new Matter is marked [N.] 187. The Proceedings, Examination, and Trial of Colonel Eusebius Andrewe, inore commonly written Audrewes, (a Barrister of Gray's Inn), before the High Court of Justice, for High Treason, A. D. 1650. 188. The Trial of Mr. Christopher Love, before the High Court of Justice, for High Treason, A. D. 1651. "fellow-subjects, was the tenure by which | NINETY-FIVE never before came into any "this incapable Junta held their offices. It Collection. The following is a List of the "has been said by our enemy, (said Mr. W.) | Articles contained in the Fifth Volume: "that the genius of France guided our ar"mies. Alas! it now presides in our Cabinet; "for surely, whether we consider their ig"norance, their imbecility, their bigotry, "or the fate with which Providence visits "all their measures, our enemy, had he "the nomination, could not select men "more suitable to his ends, or more per"nicious to our interests."Where is the independent and honest man, who does not applaud this speech? This is a speaker for me; one who never minces the matter; but, who, indignant at his country's wrongs, freely expresses his indignation.The House, however, you see, did not partake in the sentiments of Mr. Whitbread; and, the House, as it now is, never will partake in such sentiments. WM. COBBETT. 189. The Trial of Mr. John Gibbons, before the High Court of Justice, for High Treason, ▲. D. 1651. 190. Proceedings against James Stanley, Earl of 191. The Trial of Major Richard Faulconer, at 193. The Trial of Mr. John Lilburne, at the Ses- 194. Case of the Privileges of Embassadors, being the Proceedings against Don Pantaleon Sa, Brother of the Embassador from the King of Portugal to England, for Murder in a Riot in the New Exchange, A. D. 1654 [N.] 195. The Trial of John Gerhard, Peter Vowell, and Somerset Fox, before the High Court of Justice, for High Treason, in conspiring to Murder the Lord Protector, a. D. 1654. 196. Proceedings of the Commissioners, appointed 198. The Trial of the Hon. Colonel John Penrud- 201. The Trial of Miles Sindercome, alias Fish, 203. The Trial of Dr. John Hewet, before the 204. The Trial of John Mordant, esq. before the High Court of Justice, for High Treason, A. D. 1658. 205. The Trials of TWENTY-NINE REGICIDES, 207. Proceedings in Scotland against Archibald KING'S SPEECH.On Tuesday, the 23d of January 1810, the two Houses of Parliament having met, the Session was opened by Commission, when the following Speech was read by the Lord Chancellor : afford satisfactory information upon the subject of this expedition.-We have it in command to state to you, that his Majesty had uniformly notified to Sweden his Majesty's decided wish, that in determining upon the question of peace or war with France, and other Continental Powers, she should be guided by considerations resulting from her own situation and interests: while his Majesty therefore laments that Sweden should have found it necessary to purchase peace by considerable sacrifices, his Majesty cannot complain that she has concluded it without his Majesty's participation. It is his Majesty's earnest wish that no event may occur to occasion the interruption of those relations of amity which it is the desire of his Majesty and the interest of both countries to preserve. "My Lords and Gentlemen, -We have it further in command to com"His Majesty commands us to express municate to you, that the efforts of his to you his deep regret, that the exertions Majesty for the protection of Portugal of the Emperor of Austria against the am- have been powerfully aided by the confibition and violence of France, have proved dence which the Prince Regent has reunavailing, and that his Imperial Majesty posed in his Majesty, and by the co-opehas been compelled to abandon the con- ration of the Local Government, and of test, and to conclude a disadvantageous the people of that country. The expulpeace. Although the war was undertaken sion of the French from Portugal, by his by that monarch without encouragement Majesty's forces under lieut.-gen. lord on the part of his Majesty, every effort viscount Wellington, and the glorious vicwas made for the assistance of Austria tory obtained by him at Talavera, contriwhich his Majesty deemed consistent with buted to check the progress of the French the due support of his allies, and with the arms in the Peninsula during the late camwelfare and interest of his own dominions. paign.-His Majesty directs us to state -An attack upon the naval armaments that the Spanish Government, in the and establishments in the Scheldt, afforded name and by the authority of king Ferdiat once the prospect of destroying a grow-nand the Seventh, has determined to asing force, which was daily becoming more semble the general and extraordinary formidable to the security of this country, Cortes of the nation: his Majesty trusts and of diverting the exertions of France that this measure will give fresh animation from the important objects of reinforcing and vigour to the councils and the arms of her armies on the Danube, and of con- Spain, and successfully direct the enertrouling the spirit of resistance in the gies and spirit of the Spanish people to the North of Germany. These considerations maintenance of their legitimate monardetermined his Majesty to employ his chy, and to the ultimate deliverance of forces in an expedition to the Scheldt.- their country. The most important conAlthough the principal ends of this expe- siderations of policy and of good faith redition have not been attained, his Majesty quire that, as long as this great cause can confidently hopes that advantages, mate- be maintained with a prospect of success, rially affecting the security of his Majes- it should be supported, according to the ty's dominions in the further prosecution nature and circumstances of the contest, of the war, will be found to result from the by the strenuous and continued assistance demolition of the docks and arsenals at of the power and resources of his Majes Flushing. This important object his Ma-ty's dominions; and his Majesty relies on jesty was enabled to accomplish, in consequence of the reduction of the Island of Walcheren, by the valour of his fleets and armies. His Majesty has given directions that such documents and papers should be laid before you as he trusts will the aid of his Parliament in his anxious endeavours to frustrate the attempts of France against the happiness and freedom of those loyal and resolute nations.-His Majesty commands us to acquaint you, that the intercourse between his Majesty' minister in America and the government of the United States has been suddenly and unexpectedly interrupted. His Majesty sincerely regrets this event: He has however received the strongest assurances from the American minister resident at this court, that the United States are desirous of maintaining friendly relations between the two countries. This desire will be met by a corresponding disposition on the part of his Majesty. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "His Majesty has directed us to in form you that he has ordered the Estimates for the current year to be laid before you: his Majesty has directed them to be formed with all the attention to economy which the support of his Allies and the security of his dominions will permit. And his Majesty relies upon your zeal and loyalty to afford him such supplies as may be necessary for those essential objects.-He commands us to express how deeply he regrets the pressure upon his subjects, which the protracted continuance of the war renders inevitable. "My Lords and Gentlemen, "We are commanded by his Majesty to express his hopes that you will resume the consideration of the state of the inferior Clergy, and adopt such further measures upon this interesting subject as may appear to you to be proper.-We have it further in command to state to you that the accounts which will be laid before you of the trade and revenue of the country will be found highly satisfactory.Whatever temporary and partial inconvenience may have resulted from the measures which were directed by France against those great sources of our prosperity and strength, those measures have wholly failed of producing any permanent or general effect. The inveterate hostility of our enemy continues to be directed against this country with unabated animosity and violence. To guard the security of his Majesty's dominions, and to defeat the designs which are meditated against us and our allies, will require the utmost efforts of vigilance, fortitude and perseverance. " In every difficulty and danger his Majesty confidently trusts that he shall derive the most effectual support, under the continued blessing of Divine Providence, from the wisdom of his parliament, the valour of his forces, and the spirit and determination of his people." Camelford-House, Jan. 22, 1810. THE My Lord-I have the honour to address this Letter to your Lordship, in reply to that which I received from you, respecting the Petition with which you are charged. This form of communica tion I consider as most satisfactory to your Lordship. It is also best calculated the most distinguished advocates of your to do justice to the sentiments of some of cause, in concurrence with whom my decision has been taken.-I must in the first nion remains unchanged as to the object of place assure your Lordship, that my opiyour Petition. It would, I think, be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice to communicate to our fellow subjects, professing the Roman Catholic Religion, the Such a measure, accompanied by suitable full enjoyment of our Civil Constitution. arrangements, maturely prepared, and deliberately adopted, would, I am confident, above all others, give strength and union to the Empire, and increased security to its religious and civil establishments. Your Lordship is well aware, that on this conviction only have I supported it. To those establishments I am unalterably attached; their inviolable maintenance I have ever considered as essential to all the dearest interests of my country. But they rest, I am certain, on foundations much too firm; they are far too deeply rooted in the affections of that community to which they dispense the blessings of religion, order, and liberty, to require the adventitious and dangerous support of partial restrictions, fruitful in discontent, but, for security wholly inefficient. With respect to the present application to Parliament, I knew not, except from public report, that such a measure was in contemplation; or that it was the wish of the petitioners to place their Petition in my hands. I have twice already, at the request of the Catholics of Ireland, moved the House of Lords to take this subject into consideration. I did not, in either case, think myself responsible for your determination as to the time of agitating the question: a determination which, in the first instance, I had not suggested, and which in the lastI had in my place in Parliament publicly dissuaded. Recent events had in both cases imposed upon me a pecu liar duty, not merely for my own honour, but in justice also to your cause, to prove, by my conduct, on the earliest occasion afforded by yourselves, that no change of public situation, no prejudice, no calumny, no clamour, could either vary or suppress my opinions on this great national question. This duty I willingly performed. Deeply impressed with the importance of the measures which I recommended, I have spared no sacrifice, omitted no exertion, by which I could contribute to their accomplishment. And if i could now deceive myself with a hope, that a renewal of my weak efforts, in the present moment, could expedite or facilitate their ultimate success, it would be my highest gratification once more to stand forward as the chosen advocate of national conciliation.-Circumstanced as this question now is, both in England and in Ireland, it is, on the contrary, my deliberate opinion, that no motion grounded on your Petition could, at this time, in any hands, certainly not in mine, be brought forward, without great and permanent disadvantage to its object. This opinion is founded, not only on the present known dispositions of Government and Parliament, but also on the unexpected difficulties which have arisen in Ireland, on the impressions which they may create, and the embarrassments which they unavoidably produce.-It would be an invidious task for me to recapitulate, in this place, the transactions of the last three years, or to discuss the temper and spirit, the language and the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers to wards your body; nor would it become me to censure, though I may be permitted to lament, the decisions of the Legislature. -To these two topics it is sufficient briefly to have adverted. The obstacles which, in the present moment, they oppose to any favourable consideration of your Cause, and the advantages which they afford to the misrepresentations of your adversaries, are too obvious to require explanation.-Many circumstances compel me to speak to your Lordship more at large of the recent proceedings in Ireland; with reference both to their origin and to their consequences. For this purpose I must beg leave to recall to your Lordship's recollection, the grounds on which the consideration of these Petitions has uniformly been recommended to Parliament. That which you have asked, and which has been supported by the greatest Statesmen of our time, now no more, is not in its nature a single or unconnected measure. Its objects are, the peace and happiness of Ireland, and the union of the empire in affection, as weil as in government. Vain indeed, would be the hope of accomplishing such purposes, solely by the repeal of a few remaining disqualifications, which by a strange anomaly are stili left subsisting amidst the ruins of a whole code of proscription. To impute to you this visionary pretension, has been the artifice of your opponents. The views of your friends hath been more enlarged.-With the just and salutary extension of civil rights to your body, must be combined, if tranquillity and union be our object, other extensive and complicated arrangements. All due provision must be made for the inviolable maintenance of the religious and civil establishments of this United Kingdom. Much must be done for mutual conciliation; much for common safety; many contending interests must be reconciled, many jealousies allayed, many long cherished and mutually destructive prejudices eradicated.-Such, at least, have always been my own declared opinions. When this matter was last under the consideration of Parliament, I had occasion to dwell, with particular earnestness, on this necessity; I invited the suggestions of others for providing for it; and I enumerated several measures which eight years before had been in the contemplation of Government, in conjunction with which I then cherished the vain hope of rendering this great service to my country.-Among these measures, I pointed out the proposal of vesting in the Crown an effectual negative on the appointment of your Bishops. That suggestion had previously been brought forward in the House of Commons, to meet the just expectations, not of any bigotted or interested champions of intolerance, but of men of the purest intentions and most enlightened judgment. Men willing to do all justice to the loyalty of your present Bishops, yet not unreasonably alarmed at any possibility, by which functions of such extensive influence might hereafter be connected with a foreign interest, hostile to the tranquillity of your country. A danger recently very much increased by the captivity and deposition of the Head of your Church, by the seizure of his dominions, and by the declared intention of that hostile government to assume in future the exclusive nomination of his successors. The suggestion thus opened to Parliament, produced there impressions | A pertinacious adherence to such details' highly favourable to your cause; it was in opposition even to groundless prejudice, received as the surest indication of those I consider es the reverse of legislative dispositions, without which all concession wisdom. I look only to their substantial must be nugatory, and all conciliation purposes; the safety of our own establishhopeless. To my mind it had been re- ments, the mutual good will of all our commended by long reflection. It had fellow subjects, and the harmony of the formed a part of the original conception United Kingdom.-That adequate arrangeof those measures as consequent upon the ments may be made for all these purposes, Union. It was now again brought for- consistently with the strictest adherence, ward with the concurrence of the two inon your part, to your own religious tenets, dividuals, from whose opinions those gene- is the persuasion which you have long rally prevalent among your body might been labouring to establish, and of which best be inferred; of the agent of the very I have uniformly professed my own conpersons to whose office it related, and of viction.-Were it otherwise, I should inyour Lordship, to whom, in addition to deed despair. But that these objects may every other claim to respect and confi- be reconciled, in so far at least as respects dence, the exclusive charge of the Petition the appointment of your Bishops, is known had recently been committed. What I with undeniable certainty. It is proved said on the subject, in the House of Lords, by the acquiescence of your Church in was spoken in the hearing of both, and I similar arrangements under other Governreceived from both, while the impression ments, by the sentiments which many of was yet recent on your minds, the most yourselves still entertain as to the proposal gratifying acknowledgments of your satis- suggested in 1808, and, most of all, by faction in all that I had stated.-It was the express consent formerly given to that never, I believe, imagined by any of us, proposal, in a declaration signed by the that what then passed could be binding on most considerable of your own Bishops.the opinions of the petitioners. The Ro- I see, therefore, in the present state of this man Catholics of Ireland are not a corpo- subject, much unexpected embarrassment, rate body. They speak through no comand many difficulties, which renewed dismon organ. Their various wishes and in-cussion, in the present moment, must, interests, like those of their fellow-subjects, stead of smoothing, inevitably aggravate. oan be collected only from general infor- There is, however, no ground for ultimate mation; and any opinions, erroneously discouragement. The sentiment of reci .attributed to them, they, like all other procal confidence, the spirit of mutual persons, are fully entitled to disclaim. conciliation, would surmount far greater I learnt, however, with deep and heart- obstacles.-But nothing, permit me to refelt regret, the subsequent proceedings mark it, can in the mean time be more inwhich took place in Ireland, in conse- jurious to your cause, than any attempt, quence of this suggestion. To discuss the by partial and precipitate decisions, to grounds of those proceedings would be prejudge its separate branches, or to limit foreign from my present purpose. Their its unreserved discussion. No course can effect obviously must be, not only to revive be more grateful to your opponents, none expiring prejudices, but to clog with fresh more embarrassing to your supporters.→ embarrassment every future consideration To Parliament, when any more favourable of any of the measures connected with conjecture for this discussion shall arise, your Petitions. To myself unquestionably every information may properly be supthe difficulty of originating at this time plied, every wish imparted, every appre any fresh discussion of those measures, hension communicated. There only, by does, in such circumstances, appear al- a systematic and comprehensive arrangemost insuperable. Let me not, however, ment of this extensive subject, can all its be misunderstood. When I speak of the difficulties be surmounted, all its relations necessity of combining, with the accom- finally adjusted. To be effective and perplishment of your wishes, provisions of manent, such an arrangement must be just security to others, I am no less desir- mutually satisfactory. This is alike the ous of consulting every reasonable appre-interest of every member of the British hension on your part.-To the forms, in- empire, but to none more important than deed, of these securities, or to the particu- to the Catholics of Ireland. The stability lar details of the proposed arrangements, of all your civil rights, both of those which I attach comparatively little importance. you already enjoy, and of those to which |