Sivut kuvina
PDF
ePub

was necessary to convoke the Parliament.

In the spring of 1673, therefore, the

liament

human industry had covered it were buried under the ocean, all was not lost. The Hollanders might survive Holland. Liberty and pure religion, Houses reassembled after a Meeting of driven by tyrants and bigots from recess of near two years. the ParEurope, might take refuge in the Clifford, now a peer and Lord farthest isles of Asia. The shipping Treasurer, and Ashley, now Earl of in the ports of the republic would suf- Shaftesbury and Lord Chancellor, were fice to carry two hundred thousand the persons on whom the King princiemigrants to the Indian Archipelago. pally relied as Parliamentary managers. There the Dutch commonwealth might The Country Party instantly began to commence a new and more glorious attack the policy of the Cabal. The existence, and might rear, under the attack was made, not in the way of Southern Cross, amidst the sugar canes storm, but by slow and scientific apand nutmeg trees, the Exchange of a proaches. The Commons at first held wealthier Amsterdam, and the schools out hopes that they would give support of a more learned Leyden. The na- to the King's foreign policy, but intional spirit swelled and rose high. sisted that he should purchase that The terms offered by the allies were support by abandoning his whole system firmly rejected. The dykes were opened. of domestic policy. Their chief object The whole country was turned into one was to obtain the revocation of the great lake, from which the cities, with Declaration of Indulgence. Of Declaratheir ramparts and steeples, rose like all the many unpopular steps tion of Inislands. The invaders were forced to taken by the Government the save themselves from destruction by a most unpopular was the publishing of precipitate retreat. Lewis, who, though this Declaration. The most opposite he sometimes thought it necessary to sentiments had been shocked by an act appear at the head of his troops, greatly so liberal, done in a manner so despotic. preferred a palace to a camp, had All the enemies of religious freedom, already returned to enjoy the adulation and all the friends of civil freedom, of poets and the smiles of ladies in the found themselves on the same side; newly planted alleys of Versailles. and these two classes made up nineteen twentieths of the nation. The zealous Churchman exclaimed against the favour which had been shown both to the Papist and to the Puritan. The Puritan, though he might rejoice in the suspension of the persecution by which he had been harassed, felt little gratitude for a toleration which he was to share with Antichrist. And all Englishmen who valued liberty and law, saw with uneasiness the deep inroad which the prerogative had made into the province of the legislature.

dulgence.

And now the tide turned fast. The event of the maritime war had been doubtful: by land the United Provinces had obtained a respite; and a respite, though short, was of infinite importance. Alarmed by the vast designs of Lewis, both the branches of the great House of Austria sprang to arms. Spain and Holland, divided by the memory of ancient wrongs and humiliations, were reconciled by the nearness of the common danger. From every part of Germany troops poured towards the Rhine. The English government It must in candour be admitted that had already expended all the funds the constitutional question was then which had been obtained by pillaging not quite free from obscurity. Our the public creditor. No loan could be ancient Kings had undoubtedly claimed expected from the City. An attempt to and exercised the right of suspending raise taxes by the royal authority would the operation of penal laws. have at once produced a rebellion; and tribunals had recognised that right. Lewis, who had now to maintain a Parliaments had suffered it to pass uncontest against half Europe, was in no challenged. That some such right was condition to furnish the means of inherent in the crown, few even of the coercing the people of England. It Country Party ventured, in the face of

The

It is can

and the

passed.

precedent and authority, to deny. Yet | stantly subjected to a severe scrutiny. it was clear that, if this prerogative Men did not, indeed, at first, venture to were without limit, the English govern- pronounce it altogether unconstitutional. ment could scarcely be distinguished But they began to perceive that it was from a pure despotism. That there at direct variance with the spirit of the was a limit was fully admitted by the constitution, and would, if left unKing and his ministers. Whether the checked, turn the English government Declaration of Indulgence lay within from a limited into an absolute moor without the limit was the question; narchy. and neither party could succeed in Under the influence of such apprehentracing any line which would bear sions, the Commons denied the examination. Some opponents of the King's right to dispense, not celled, government complained that the De- indeed with all penal statutes, Test Act claration suspended not less than forty but with penal statutes in matstatutes. But why not forty as well as ters ecclesiastical, and gave him plainly one? There was an orator who gave to understand that, unless he renounced it as his opinion that the King might that right they would grant no supply constitutionally dispense with bad laws, for the Dutch war. He, for a moment, but not with good laws. The absurdity showed some inclination to put everyof such a distinction it is needless to thing to hazard: but he was strongly expose. The doctrine which seems to advised by Lewis to submit to neceshave been generally received in the sity, and to wait for better times, when House of Commons was, that the dis- the French armies, now employed in pensing power was confined to secular an arduous struggle on the Continent, matters, and did not extend to laws might be available for the purpose of enacted for the security of the estab-suppressing discontent in England. In lished religion. Yet, as the King was the Cabal itself the signs of disunion supreme head of the Church, it should and treachery began to appear. Shaftesseem that, if he possessed the dispens-bury, with his proverbial sagacity, saw ing power at all, he might well possess that power where the Church was concerned. When the courtiers on the other side attempted to point out the bounds of this prerogative, they were not more successful than the opposition had been.

that a violent reaction was at hand, and that all things were tending towards a crisis resembling that of 1640. He was determined that such a crisis should not find him in the situation of Strafford. He therefore turned suddenly round, and acknowledged, in the House of Lords, that the Declaration was illegal. The King, thus deserted by his ally and by his Chancellor, yielded, cancelled the Declaration, and solemnly promised that it should never be drawn into precedent.

The truth is that the dispensing power was a great anomaly in politics. It was utterly inconsistent in theory with the principles of mixed government: but it had grown up in times when people troubled themselves little about theories.* It had not been very grossly abused in practice. It had therefore been tolerated, and had gradually acquired a kind of prescription. At length it was employed, after a long interval, in an enlightened age, and at an important conjuncture, to an extent never before known, and for a purpose generally abhorred. It was in-sons holding any office, civil or military,

*The most sensible thing said in the House of Commons, on this subject, came from Sir William Coventry:-"Our ancestors never did

draw a line to circumscribe prerogative and liberty."

Even this concession was insufficient. The Commons, not content with having forced their sovereign to annul the Indulgence, next extorted his unwilling assent to a celebrated law, which continued in force down to the reign of George the Fourth. This law, known as the Test Act, provided that all per

should take the oath of supremacy, should subscribe a declaration against Transubstantiation, and should publicly receive the sacrament according to the rites of the Church of England. The

United

preamble expressed hostility only to the | who, during the ascendency of the Cabal, Papists: but the enacting clauses were had lived in seclusion among his books scarcely more unfavourable to the Pa- and flower beds, was called forth from pists than to the rigid Puritans. The his hermitage. By his instrumentality Puritans, however, terrified at the evi- a separate peace was concluded Peace dent leaning of the court towards Popery, with the United Provinces; with the and encouraged by some churchmen to and he again became ambas- Provinces. hope that, as soon as the Roman Ca-sador at the Hague, where his presence tholics should have been effectually was regarded as a sure pledge for the disarmed, relief would be extended to sincerity of his court. Protestant Nonconformists, made little opposition; nor could the King, who was in extreme want of money, venture to withhold his sanction. The Act was passed; and the Duke of York was consequently under the necessity of re-ness and debate. Osborne became Lord signing the great place of Lord High

Admiral.

Hitherto the Commons had not deThe Cabal clared against the Dutch war. dissolved. But, when the King had, in return for money cautiously doled out, relinquished his whole plan of domestic policy, they fell impetuously on his foreign policy. They requested him to dismiss Buckingham and Lauderdale from his councils for ever, and appointed a committee to consider the propriety of impeaching Arlington. In a short time the Cabal was no more. Clifford, who, alone of the five, had any claim to be regarded as an honest man, refused to take the new test, laid down his white staff, and retired to his country seat. Arlington quitted the post of Secretary of State for a quiet and dignified employment in the Royal household. Shaftesbury and Buckingham made their peace with the opposition, and appeared at the head of the stormy democracy the city. Lauderdale, however, still continued to be minister for Scotch affairs, with which the English Parliament could not interfere.

Adminis

The chief direction of affairs was now entrusted to Sir Thomas Osborne, a Yorkshire baronet, tration of who had, in the House of Com- Danby. mons, shown eminent talents for busi

Treasurer, and was soon created Earl of Danby. He was not a man whose character, if tried by any high standard of morality, would appear to merit approbation. He was greedy of wealth and honours, corrupt himself, and a corrupter of others. The Cabal had bequeathed to him the art of bribing Parliaments, an art still rude, and giving little promise of the rare perfection to which it was brought in the following century. He improved greatly on the plan of the first inventors. They had merely purchased orators: but every man who had a vote, might sell himself to Danby. Yet the new minister must not be confounded with the negotiators of Dover. He was not without the feelings of an Englishman and a Protestant; nor did he, in his solicitude for his own interests, ever wholly forget the interests of his country and of his religion. He was desirous, indeed, to exalt the prerogative: but the means by which he proposed to exalt it were widely different from those which had been contemplated by Arlington and Clifford. The thought of And now the Commons urged the establishing arbitrary power, by calling King to make peace with Holland, and in the aid of foreign arms, and by expressly declared that no more sup-reducing the kingdom to the rank of a plies should be granted for the war, dependent principality, never entered unless it should appear that the enemy into his mind. His plan was to rally obstinately refused to consent to rea-round the monarchy those classes which sonable terms. Charles found it neces- had been the firm allies of the monsary to postpone to a more convenient season all thought of executing the treaty of Dover, and to cajole the nation by pretending to return to the policy of the Triple Alliance. Temple,

archy during the troubles of the preceding generation, and which had been disgusted by the recent crimes and errors of the court. With the help of the old Cavalier interest, of the nobles,

of the country gentlemen, of the clergy, | of the Triple Alliance, at the head of and of the Universities, it might, he the department which directed foreign conceived, be possible to make Charles, not indeed an absolute sovereign, but a sovereign scarcely less powerful than Elizabeth had been.

Prompted by these feelings, Danby formed the design of securing to the Cavalier party the exclusive possession of all political power, both executive and legislative. In the year 1675, accordingly, a bill was offered to the Lords which provided that no person should hold any office, or should sit in either House of Parliament, without first declaring on oath that he considered resistance to the kingly power as in all cases criminal, and that he would never endeavour to alter the government either in Church or State. During several weeks the debates, divisions, and protests caused by this proposition kept the country in a state of excitement. The opposition in the House of Lords, headed by two members of the Cabal who were desirous to make their peace with the nation, Buckingham and Shaftesbury, was beyond all precedent vehement and pertinacious, and at length proved successful. The bill was not indeed rejected, but was retarded, mutilated, and at length suffered to drop.

So arbitrary and so exclusive was Danby's scheme of domestic policy. His opinions touching foreign policy did him more honour. They were in truth directly opposed to those of the Cabal, and differed little from those of the Country Party. He bitterly lamented the degraded situation to which England was reduced, and declared, with more energy than politeness, that his dearest wish was to cudgel the French into a proper respect for her. So little did he disguise his feelings that, at a great banquet where the most illustrious dignitaries of the State and of the Church were assembled, he not very decorously filled his glass to the confusion of all who were against a war with France. He would indeed most gladly have seen his country united with the powers which were then combined against Lewis, and was for that end bent on placing Temple, the author

affairs. But the power of the prime minister was limited. In his most confidential letters he complained that the infatuation of his master prevented England from taking her proper place among European nations. Charles was insatiably greedy of French gold: he had by no means relinquished the hope that he might, at some future day, be able to establish absolute monarchy by the help of the French arms; and for both reasons he wished to maintain a good understanding with the Court of Versailles.

Thus the sovereign leaned towards one system of foreign politics, and the minister towards a system diametrically opposite. Neither the sovereign nor the minister, indeed, was of a temper to pursue any object with undeviating constancy. Each occasionally yielded to the importunity of the other; and their jarring inclinations and mutual concessions gave to the whole administration a strangely capricious character. Charles sometimes, from levity and indolence, suffered Danby to take steps which Lewis resented as mortal injuries. Danby, on the other hand, rather than relinquish his great place, sometimes stooped to compliances which caused him bitter pain and shame. The King was brought_to_consent to a marriage between the Lady Mary, eldest daughter and presumptive heiress of the Duke of York, and William of Orange, the deadly enemy of France, and the hereditary champion of the Reformation. Nay, the brave Earl of Ossory, son of Ormond, was sent to assist the Dutch with some British troops, who, on the most bloody day of the whole war, signally vindicated the national reputation for stubborn courage. The Treasurer, on the other hand, was induced, not only to connive at some scandalous pecuniary transactions which took place between his master and the court of Versailles, but to become, unwillingly indeed and ungraciously, an agent in those transactions.

Meanwhile, the Country Party was driven by two strong feelings in two opposite directions. The popular

Embar

of the Country

leaders were afraid of the greatness of meant only to make war on France, Lewis, who was not only mak- they would have been eager to support rassing ning head against the whole him. Could Lewis have been certain strength of the continental that the new levies were intended only Party. alliance, but was even gaining to make war on the constitution of ground. Yet they were afraid to entrust England, he would have made no attheir own King with the means of curb-tempt to stop them. But the unsteaing France, lest those means should be diness and faithlessness of Charles were used to destroy the liberties of England. such that the French government and The conflict between these apprehen- the English opposition, agreeing in sions, both of which were perfectly nothing else, agreed in disbelieving his legitimate, made the policy of the Op- protestations, and were equally desirous position seem as eccentric and fickle to keep him poor and without an army. as that of the Court. The Commons Communications were opened between called for a war with France, till the Barillon, the Ambassador of Lewis, and King, pressed by Danby to comply with those English politicians who had their wish, seemed disposed to yield, always professed, and who indeed sinand began to raise an army. But, as cerely felt, the greatest dread and soon as they saw that the recruiting dislike of the French ascendency. The had commenced, their dread of Lewis most upright member of the Country gave place to a nearer dread. They Party, William Lord Russell, son of the began to fear that the new levies might Earl of Bedford, did not scruple to be employed on a service in which concert with a foreign mission schemes Charles took much more interest than for embarrassing his own sovereign. in the defence of Flanders. They there- This was the whole extent of Russell's fore refused supplies, and clamoured offence. His principles and his fortune for disbanding as loudly as they alike raised him above all temptations had just before clamoured for arming. of a sordid kind: but there is too much Those historians who have severely reason to believe that some of his assoreprehended this inconsistency do not ciates were less scrupulous. It would appear to have made sufficient allow-be unjust to impute to them the extreme ance for the embarrassing situation of subjects who have reason to believe that their prince is conspiring with a foreign and hostile power against their liberties. To refuse him military resources is to leave the state defenceless. Yet to give him military resources may be only to arm him against the state. In such circumstances vacillation cannot be considered as a proof of dis-of public spirit, and who, in spite of honesty or even of weakness. some great moral and intellectual faults, These jealousies were studiously has a just claim to be called a hero, a fomented by the French King. philosopher, and a patriot. It is imposof that He had long kept England sible to see without pain such a name the French passive by promising to support in the list of the pensioners of France. embassy the throne against the Parlia-Yet it is some consolation to reflect ment. He now, alarmed at finding that, in our time, a public man would that the patriotic counsels of Danby be thought lost to all sense of duty and seemed likely to prevail in the closet, of shame, who should not spurn from began to inflame the Parliament against him a temptation which conquered the the throne. Between Lewis and the virtue and the pride of Algernon Country Party there was one thing, and Sidney. one only, in common, profound distrust of Charles. Could the Country Party have been certain that their sovereign

Dealings

party with

wickedness of taking bribes to injure their country. On the contrary, they meant to serve her: but it is impossible to deny that they were mean and indelicate enough to let a foreign prince pay them for serving her. Among those who cannot be acquitted of this degrading charge was one man who is popularly considered as the personification

The effect of these intrigues was that England, though she occasionally took a menacing attitude, remained

« EdellinenJatka »