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terians and so far had he been from it is probable that the politic Marquess showing any inclination to resistance had been warned rather by the signs that, when the Covenanters had been persecuted into insurrection, he had brought into the field a large body of his dependents to support the govern

ment.

of the times than by the visions of any prophet. In Friesland Earl Archibald resided during some time so quietly that it was not generally known whither he had fled. From his retreat he carried on a correspondence with his friends in Great Britain, was a party to the Whig conspiracy, and concerted with the chiefs of that conspiracy a plan for invading Scotland.* This plan had been dropped upon the detection of the Rye House Plot, but became again the subject of his thoughts after the demise of the crown.

Such had been his political course until the Duke of York came down to Edinburgh armed with the whole regal authority. The despotic viceroy soon found that he could not expect entire support from Argyle. Since the most powerful chief in the kingdom could not be gained, it was thought necessary that he should be destroyed. On grounds so frivolous that even the spirit of party He had, during his residence on the and the spirit of chicane were ashamed Continent, reflected much more deeply of them, he was brought to trial for on religious questions than in the pretreason, convicted, and sentenced to ceding years of his life. In one respect death. The partisans of the Stuarts the effect of these reflections on his afterwards asserted that it was never mind had been pernicious. His partimeant to carry this sentence into effect, ality for the synodical form of church and that the only object of the prose- government now amounted to bigotry. cution was to frighten him into ceding When he remembered how long he had his extensive jurisdiction in the High-conformed to the established worship, lands. Whether James designed, as he was overwhelmed with shame and his enemies suspected, to commit mur- remorse, and showed too many signs der, or only, as his friends affirmed, of a disposition to atone for his deto commit extortion by threatening to commit murder, cannot now be ascertained. "I know nothing of the Scotch law," said Halifax to King Charles; "but this I know, that we should not hang a dog here on the grounds on which my Lord Argyle has been sentenced."*

Argyle escaped in disguise to England, and thence passed over to Friesland. In that secluded province his father had bought a small estate, as a place of refuge for the family in civil troubles. It was said, among the Scots, that this purchase had been made in consequence of the predictions of a Celtic seer, to whom it had been revealed that Mac Callum More would one day be driven forth from the ancient mansion of his race at Inverary.† But

fection by violence and intolerance. He had, however, in no long time, an opportunity of proving that the fear and love of a higher Power had nerved him for the most formidable conflicts by which human nature can be tried.

To his companions in adversity his assistance was of the highest moment. Though proscribed and a fugitive, he was still, in some sense, the most powerful subject in the British dominions. In wealth, even before his attainder, he was probably inferior, not only to the great English nobles, but to some of the opulent esquires of Kent and Norfolk. But his patriarchal authority, an authority which no wealth could give and which no attainder could take away, made him, as a leader of an insurrection, truly formidable. No *Proceedings against Argyle in the Collec-southern lord could feel any confidence tion of State Trials; Burnet, i. 521.; A true that, if he ventured to resist the governand plain Account of the Discoveries made in Scotland. 1684; The Scotch Mist Cleared; Sir ment, even his own gamekeepers and George Mackenzie's Vindication; Lord Foun- huntsmen would stand by him. An tainhall's Chronological Notes.

+ Information of Robert Smith in the Appendix to Sprat's True Account.

* True and plain Account of the Discoveries made in Scotland.

Earl of Bedford, an Earl of Devonshire, courage, disinterestedness, and public could not engage to bring ten men into spirit, but of an irritable and impracti the field. Mac Callum More, penniless cable temper. Like many of his most and deprived of his earldom, might, at illustrious contemporaries, Milton for any moment, raise a serious civil war. example, Harrington, Marvel, and He had only to show himself on the Sidney, Fletcher had, from the misgocoast of Lorn; and an army would, in vernment of several successive princes, a few days, gather round him. The conceived a strong aversion to heforce, which, in favourable circum-reditary monarchy. Yet he was no stances, he could bring into the field, democrat. He was the head of an amounted to five thousand fighting men, ancient Norman house, and was proud devoted to his service, accustomed to of his descent. He was a fine speaker the use of target and broadsword, not and a fine writer, and was proud of afraid to encounter regular troops even his intellectual superiority. Both in in the open plain, and perhaps superior his character of gentleman, and in his to regular troops in the qualifications character of scholar, he looked down requisite for the defence of wild moun- with disdain on the common people, and tain passes, hidden in mist, and torn was so little disposed to entrust them by headlong torrents. What such a with political power that he thought force, well directed, could effect, even them unfit even to enjoy personal freeagainst veteran regiments and skilful dom. It is a curious circumstance that commanders, was proved, a few years this man, the most honest, fearless, and later, at Killiecrankie. uncompromising republican of his time, should have been the author of a plan for reducing a large part of the working classes of Scotland to slavery. He bore, in truth, a lively resemblance to those Roman Senators who, while they hated the name of King, guarded the privileges of their order with inflexible pride against the encroachments of the multitude, and governed their bondmen and bondwomen by means of the stocks and the scourge.

But, strong as was the claim of Sir Patrick Argyle to the confidence of Hume. the exiled Scots, there was a faction among them which regarded him with no friendly feeling, and which wished to make use of his name and influence, without entrusting to him any real power. The chief of this faction was a lowland gentleman, who had been implicated in the Whig plot, and had with difficulty eluded the vengeance of the court, Sir Patrick Hume, of Polwarth, in Berwickshire. Great doubt has been thrown on his integrity, but without sufficient reason. It must, however, be admitted that he injured his cause by perverseness as much as he could have done by treachery. He was a man incapable alike of leading and of following, conceited, captious, and wrongheaded, an endless talker, a sluggard in action against the enemy, and active only against his own allies. With Hume was closely connected another Scottish exile of great note, who had many of the same faults, Sir John Cochrane, second son of the Earl of Dundonald.

Sir John
Cochrane.

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Amsterdam was the place where the leading emigrants, Scotch and English, assembled. Argyle repaired thither from Friesland, Monmouth from Brabant. It soon appeared that the fugitives had scarcely anything in common except hatred of James and impatience to return from banishment. The Scots were jealous of the English, the English of the Scots. Monmouth's high pretensions were offensive to Argyle, who, proud of ancient nobility and of a legitimate descent from kings, was by no means inclined to do homage to the offspring of a vagrant and ignoble love. But of all the dissensions by which the little band of outlaws was distracted the most serious was that which Unreasonarose between Argyle and a able conportion of his own followers. Scotch Some of the Scottish exiles refugeer. had, in a long course of opposition to

duct of the

an at

At length all differences were compromised. It was determined Arrange. that an attempt should be forth- ment for with made on the western coast tempt on England of Scotland, and that it should and Scotbe promptly followed by a de- land. scent on England.

Argyle was to hold the nominal command in Scotland: but he was placed under the control of a Committee which reserved to itself all the most important parts of the military administration. This Committee was empowered to de

tyranny, been excited into a morbid | their industry and ingenuity, not in colstate of understanding and temper, lecting means for the attack which they which made the most just and necessary were about to make on a formidable restraint insupportable to them. They enemy, but in devising restraints on knew that without Argyle they could their leader's power and securities do nothing. They ought to have known against his ambition. The selfcomplathat, unless they wished to run head- cent stupidity with which they insisted long to ruin, they must either repose on organising an army as if they had full confidence in their leader, or relin- been organising a commonwealth would quish all thoughts of military enterprise. be incredible if it had not been frankly Experience has fully proved that in war and even boastfully recorded by one of every operation, from the greatest to the themselves.* smallest, ought to be under the absolute direction of one mind, and that every subordinate agent, in his degree, ought to obey implicitly, strenuously, and with the show of cheerfulness, orders which he disapproves, or of which the reasons are kept secret from him. Representative assemblies, public discussions, and all the other checks by which, in civil affairs, rulers are restrained from abusing power, are out of place in a camp. Machiavel justly imputed many of the disasters of Venice and Florence to the jealousy which led those repub-termine where the expedition should lics to interfere with every act of their generals.* The Dutch practice of sending to an army deputies, without whose consent no great blow could be struck, was almost equally pernicious. It is undoubtedly by no means certain that a captain, who has been entrusted with dictatorial power in the hour of peril, will quietly surrender that power in the hour of triumph; and this is one of the many considerations which ought to make men hesitate long before they resolve to vindicate public liberty by the sword. But, if they determine to try the chance of war, they will, if they are wise, entrust to their chief that plenary authority without which war cannot be well conducted. It is possible that, if they give him that authority, he may turn out a Cromwell or a Napoleon. But it is almost certain that, if they withhold from him that authority, their enterprises will end like the enterprise of Argyle.

Some of the Scottish emigrants, heated with republican enthusiasm, and utterly destitute of the skill necessary to the conduct of great affairs, employed all

Discorsi sopra la prima Deca di Tito Livio, lib. ii. cap. 35.

VOL.I.

land, to appoint officers, to superintend the levying of troops, to dole out provisions and ammunition. All that was left to the general was to direct the evolutions of the army in the field, and he was forced to promise that even in the field, except in the case of a surprise, he would do nothing without the assent of a council of war.

Monmouth was to command in England. His soft mind had, as usual, taken an impress from the society which surrounded him. Ambitious hopes, which had seemed to be extinguished, revived in his bosom. He remembered the affection with which he had been constantly greeted by the common people in town and country, and expected that they would now rise by hundreds of thousands to welcome him. He remembered the good will which the soldiers had always borne him, and flattered himself that they would come over to him by regiments. Encouraging messages reached him in quick succession from London. He was assured that the violence and injustice with which the elections had been carried on had

*See Sir Patrick Hume's Narrative, passim.

S

driven the nation mad, that the pru- | in Holland, a sum sufficient for the two dence of the leading Whigs had with expeditions. Very little was obtained difficulty prevented a sanguinary out- from London. Six thousand pounds break on the day of the coronation, and had been expected thence. But instead that all the great Lords who had sup- of the money came excuses from Wildported the Exclusion Bill were impatient man, which ought to have opened the to rally round him. Wildman, who eyes of all who were not wilfully blind. loved to talk treason in parables, sent The Duke made up the deficiency by to say that the Earl of Richmond, just pawning his own jewels and those of two hundred years before, had landed Lady Wentworth. Arms, ammunition, in England with a handful of men, and and provisions were bought, and several had a few days later been crowned, on ships which lay at Amsterdam were the field of Bosworth, with the diadem freighted.* taken from the head of Richard. Dan- It is remarkable that the most illustrivers undertook to raise the City. The ous and the most grossly injured John Duke was deceived into the belief that, man among the British exiles Locke. as soon as he set up his standard, stood far aloof from these rash counsels. Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hamp- John Locke hated tyranny and perseshire, Cheshire would rise in arms.* cution as a philosopher; but his intelHe consequently became eager for the lect and his temper preserved him enterprise from which a few weeks from the violence of a partisan. He before he had shrunk. His countrymen had lived on confidential terms with did not impose on him restrictions so Shaftesbury, and had thus incurred the elaborately absurd as those which the displeasure of the court. Locke's pruScotch emigrants had devised. All that dence had, however, been such that it was required of him was to promise would have been to little purpose to that he would not assume the regal bring him even before the corrupt and title till his pretensions had been sub-partial tribunals of that age. In one Imitted to the judgment of a free Par-point, however, he was vulnerable. He liament.

was a student of Christ Church in the It was determined that two English- University of Oxford. It was determen, Ayloffe and Rumbold, should ac- mined to drive from that celebrated company Argyle to Scotland, and that college the greatest man of whom it Fletcher should go with Monmouth to could ever boast. But this was not England. Fletcher, from the begin- easy. Locke had, at Oxford, abstained ning, had augured ill of the enterprise: from expressing any opinion on the but his chivalrous spirit would not suffer politics of the day. Spies had been him to decline a risk which his friends set about him. Doctors of Divinity seemed eager to encounter. When Grey and Masters of Arts had not been repeated with approbation what Wild- ashamed to perform the vilest of all man had said about Richmond and offices, that of watching the lips of a Richard, the well read and thoughtful companion in order to report his words Scot justly remarked that there was a to his ruin. The conversation in the great difference between the fifteenth hall had been purposely turned to century and the seventeenth. Rich-irritating topics, to the Exclusion Bill, mond was assured of the support of and to the character of the Earl barons, each of whom could bring an of Shaftesbury, but in vain. Locke army of feudal retainers into the field; neither broke out nor dissembled, but and Richard had not one regiment of regular soldiers.t

The exiles were able to raise, partly from their own resources and partly from the contributions of well wishers

Grey's Narrative; Wade's Confession, Harl. MS. 6845.

Burnet, i. 631.

maintained such steady silence and composure as forced the tools of power to own with vexation that never man was so complete a master of his tongue and of his passions. When it was found that treachery could do nothing,

*Grey's Narrative.

arbitrary power
vainly trying to inveigle Locke into
a fault, the government resolved to
punish him without one. Orders came
from Whitehall that he should be
ejected; and those orders the Dean and
Canons made haste to obey.

was used. After part of the army of Ireland was moved
to the coast of Ulster.*

James with

sadors.

While these preparations were making in Scotland, James Conversacalled into his closet Arnold tion of Van Citters, who had long re- the Dutch sided in England as Ambassa- ambasLocke was travelling on the Continent dor from the United Provinces, for his health when he learned that he and Everard Van Dykvelt, who, after had been deprived of his home and of his the death of Charles, had been sent by bread without a trial or even a notice. the States General on a special mission The injustice with which he had been of condolence and congratulation. The treated would have excused him if he King said that he had received from had resorted to violent methods of unquestionable sources intelligence of redress. But he was not to be blinded designs which were forming against by personal resentment: he augured no good from the schemes of those who had assembled at Amsterdam; and he quietly repaired to Utrecht, where, while his partners in misfortune were planning their own destruction, he employed himself in writing his celebrated letter on Toleration.*

by Govern

the defence of Scot

land.

his throne by his banished subjects in Holland. Some of the exiles were cutthroats, whom nothing but the special providence of God had prevented from committing a foul murder; and among them was the owner of the spot which had been fixed for the butchery. "Of all men living," said the King, "Argyle has the greatest means of annoying me; and of all places Holland is that whence a blow may be best aimed against me." The Dutch envoys assured His Majesty that what he had said should instantly be communicated to the government which they represented, and expressed their full confidence that every exertion would be made to satisfy him.†

attempts

Argyle

The English Government was early Prepara apprised that something was bus made in agitation among the outlaws. ment for An invasion of England seems not to have been at first expected: but it was apprehended that Argyle would shortly appear in arms among his clansmen. A proclamation was accordingly issued directing that Scotland should be put into a state of defence. The militia They were justified in expressing was ordered to be in readiness. All this confidence. Both the Ineffecthe clans hostile to the name of Camp-Prince of Orange and the States tual bell were set in motion. John Murray, General were, at this time, to prevent Marquess of Athol, was appointed most desirous that the hospi- from sailLord Lieutenant of Argyleshire, and, tality of their country should ing. at the head of a great body of his not be abused for purposes of which the followers, occupied the castle of Inver- English government could justly comary. Some suspected persons were plain. James had lately held language arrested. Others were compelled to which encouraged the hope that he give hostages. Ships of war were sent would not patiently submit to the to cruise near the isle of Bute; and ascendency of France. It seemed probable that he would consent to form a close alliance with the United Provinces and the House of Austria. There was, therefore, at the Hague, an extreme anxiety to avoid all that could give him offence. The personal interest of

Le Clerc's Life of Locke; Lord King's Life of Locke; Lord Grenville's Oxford and Locke. Locke must not be confounded with the Anabaptist Nicholas Look, whose name is spelt Locke in Grey's Confession, and who is mentioned in the Lansdowne MS. 1152., and in the Buccleuch narrative appended to Mr. Rose's dissertation. I should hardly think it necessary to make this remark, but that the similarity of the two names appears to have misled a man so well acquainted with the history of those times as Speaker Onslow. See his note on Burnet, i. 629.

*Wodrow, book iii. chap. ix.; London Gazette, May 11. 1685; Barillon, May 11. † Register of the Proceedings of the States General, May. 1685.

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