While the nation, agitated by many Persecu- strong emotions, looked anxition of the ously forward to the reassembling of the Houses, tidings, which increased the prevailing excitement, arrived from France. French Hugue nots. promise to the Emperor of Morocco to | be admitted into the legal profession. turn Mussulman.* The oppressed sect showed some faint signs of that spirit which in the preceding century had bidden defiance to the whole power of the House of Valois. Massacres and executions followed. Dragoons were quartered in the towns where the heretics were nuThe long and heroic struggle which merous, and in the country seats of the the Huguenots had maintained against heretic gentry; and the cruelty and the French government had been licentiousness of these rude missionbrought to a final close by the ability aries was sanctioned or leniently cenand vigour of Richelieu. That great sured by the government. Still, howstatesman vanquished them; but he ever, the edict of Nantes, though confirmed to them the liberty of con- practically violated in its most essenscience which had been bestowed on tial provisions, had not been formally them by the edict of Nantes. They rescinded; and the King repeatedly were suffered, under some restraints of declared in solemn public acts that he no galling kind, to worship God accord-was resolved to maintain it. But the ing to their own ritual, and to write in bigots and flatterers who had his ear defence of their own doctrine. They gave him advice which he was but too were admissible to political and mili-willing to take. They represented to tary employment; nor did their heresy, him that his rigorous policy had been during a considerable time, practically eminently successful, that little or no impede their rise in the world. Some resistance had been made to his will, of them commanded the armies of the that thousands of Huguenots had state; and others presided over im- already been converted, that, if he portant departments of the civil ad- would take the one decisive step which ministration. At length a change took yet remained, those who were still obplace. Lewis the Fourteenth had, stinate would speedily submit, France from an early age, regarded the Cal- would be purged from the taint of vinists with an aversion at once religi- heresy, and her prince would have ous and political. As a zealous Roman earned a heavenly crown not less gloriCatholic, he detested their theological ous than that of Saint Lewis. These dogmas. As a prince fond of arbitrary arguments prevailed. The final blow power, he detested those republican was struck. The edict of Nantes was theories which were intermingled with revoked; and a crowd of decrees against the Genevese divinity. He gradually the sectaries appeared in rapid succesretrenched all the privileges which the sion. Boys and girls were torn from schismatics enjoyed. He interfered their parents and sent to be educated with the education of Protestant chil-in convents. All Calvinistic ministers dren, confiscated property bequeathed were commanded either to abjure their to Protestant consistories, and on frivo- religion or to quit their country within lous pretexts shut up Protestant a fortnight. The other professors of churches. The Protestant ministers the reformed faith were forbidden to were harassed by the taxgatherers. leave the kingdom; and, in order to The Protestant magistrates were deprived of the honour of nobility. The Protestant officers of the royal household were informed that His Majesty dispensed with their services. Orders were given that no Protestant should *There is a remarkable account of the first appearance of the symptoms of discontent among the Tories in a letter of Halifax to Chesterfield, written in October, 1685. Burnet, i. 684. prevent them from making their escape, the outports and frontiers were strictly guarded. It was thought that the Hocks, thus separated from the evil shepherds, would soon return to the true fold. But in spite of all the vigilance of the military police there was a vast emigration. It was calculated that, in a few months, fifty thousand families quitted France for ever. Nor were the refugees such as a country | James in generosity and humanity, can well spare. They were generally and was certainly far superior to James persons of intelligent minds, of indus- in all the abilities and acquirements of trious habits, and of austere morals. a statesman. Lewis had, like James, In the list are to be found names emi-repeatedly promised to respect the nent in war, in science, in literature, privileges of his Protestant subjects. and in art. Some of the exiles offered Yet Lewis was now avowedly a persetheir swords to William of Orange, cutor of the reformed religion. What and distinguished themselves by the reason was there, then, to doubt that fury with which they fought against James waited only for an opportunity their persecutor. Others avenged them- to follow the example? He was selves with weapons still more formid- already forming, in defiance of the law, able, and, by means of the presses of a military force officered to a great Holland, England, and Germany, in- extent by Roman Catholics. Was flamed, during thirty years, the public there anything unreasonable in the mind of Europe against the French apprehension that this force might be government. A more peaceful class employed to do what the French erected silk manufactories in the dragoons had done? eastern suburb of. London. One detachment of emigrants taught the Saxons to make the stuffs and hats of which France had hitherto enjoyed a monopoly. Another planted the first vines in the neighbourhood of the Cape of Good Hope.* In ordinary circumstances the courts of Spain and of Rome would have eagerly applauded a prince who had made vigorous war on heresy. But such was the hatred inspired by the injustice and haughtiness of Lewis that, when he became a persecutor, the courts of Spain and Rome took the side of religious liberty, and loudly reprobated the cruelty of turning a savage and licentious soldiery loose on an unoffending people. One cry of grief and rage rose from the whole of Protestant Europe. The tidings of the revocation of the edict of Nantes reached England about a week before the day to which the Parliament stood adjourned. It was clear then that the spirit of Gardiner and of Alva was still the spirit of the Roman Catholic Church. Lewis was not inferior to *The contemporary tracts in various languages on the subject of this persecution are innumerable. An eminently clear, terse, and spirited summary will be found in Voltaire's Siècle de Louis XIV. "Misionarios embotados," says Ronquillo. "Apostoli armati," says Innocent. There is, in March 26. the Mackintosh Collection, a remarkable letter on this subject from Ronquillo, dated April 5. 1686. See Venier, Relatione di Francia, 1689, quoted by Professor Ranke in his Römischen Päpste, book viii. Effect of England. James was almost as much disturbed as his subjects by the conduct of the court of Versailles. In that perse truth, that court had acted as cution in if it had meant to embarrass and annoy him. He was about to ask from a Protestant legislature a full toleration for Roman Catholics. Nothing, therefore, could be more unwelcome to him than the intelligence that, in a neighbouring country, toleration had just been withdrawn by a Roman Catholic government from Protestants. His vexation was increased by a speech which the Bishop of Valence, in the name of the Gallican clergy, addressed at this time to Lewis the Fourteenth. The pious Sovereign of England, the orator said, looked to the most Christian King for support against a heretical nation. It was remarked that the members of the House of Commons showed particular anxiety to procure copies of this harangue, and that it was read by all Englishmen with indignation and alarm.* James was desirous to counteract the impression which these things had made, and was also at that moment by no means unwilling to let all Europe see that he was not the slave of France. He therefore declared publicly that he disapproved of the manner in which the Huguenots had "Mi dicono che tutti questi parlamentarii ne hanno voluto copia, il che assolutamente avrà causate pessime impressioni."--Adda, Nov. 1685. See Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 3. 19 Meeting of Parlia ment; speech of the King. been treated, granted to the exiles | The Lords, seldom disposed to take some relief from his privy purse, and, the lead in opposition to a government, by letters under his great seal, invited consented to vote him formal thanks his subjects to imitate his liberality. for what he had said. But the ComIn a very few months it became clear mons were in a less complying mood. that all this compassion was feigned When they had returned to their own for the purpose of cajoling his Parlia- House there was a long silence; and ment, that he regarded the refugees the faces of many of the most respectwith mortal hatred, and that he re-able members expressed deep concern. gretted nothing so much as his own At length Middleton rose and moved inability to do what Lewis had done. On the ninth of November the Houses met. The Commons were summoned to the bar of the Lords; and the King spoke from the throne. His speech had been composed by himself. He congratulated his loving subjects on the suppression of the rebellion in the West: but he added that the speed with which that rebellion had risen to a formidable height, and the length of time during which it had continued to rage, must convince all men how little dependence could be placed on the militia. He had, therefore, made additions to the regular army. The charge of that army would henceforth be more than double of what it had been: and he trusted that the Commons would grant him the means of defraying the increased expense. He then informed his hearers that he had employed some officers who had not taken the test; but he knew those officers to be fit for public He feared that artful men might avail themselves of this irregularity to disturb the harmony which existed between himself and his ParHament. But he would speak out. He was determined not to part with servants on whose fidelity he could rely, and whose help he might perhaps soon need.* the House to go instantly into committee on the King's speech: but Sir Edmund Jennings, a zealous Tory from Yorkshire, who was supposed to speak the sentiments of Danby, protested against this course, and demanded time for consideration. Sir Thomas Clarges, maternal uncle of the Duke of Albemarle, and long distinguished in Parliament as a man of business and a vigilant steward of the public money, took the same side. The feeling of the House could not be mistaken. Sir John Ernley, Chancellor of the Exchequer, insisted that the delay should not exceed forty-eight hours: but he was overruled; and it was resolved that the discussion should be postponed for three days.* trust. The interval was well employed by those who took the lead against the Court. They had indeed no light work to perform. In three days a country party was to be organised. The difficulty of the task is in our age not easily to be appreciated; for in our age all the nation assists at every deliberation of the Lords and Commons. What is said by the leaders of the ministry and of the opposition after midnight is read by the whole metropolis at dawn, by the inhabitants of Northumberland and Cornwall in the afternoon, and in Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland on the morrow. In our age, therefore, the stages of legislation, the rules of debate, the tactics of faction, the opinions, temper, and style of every active member of either House, are familiar to hundreds of thousands. Every man who now and named Vicar Apostolic in Great enters parliament possesses what, in Britain. Ferdinand, Count of Adda, the seventeenth century, would have an Italian of no eminent abilities, but been called a great stock of parlia- of mild temper and courtly manners, mentary knowledge. Such knowledge had been appointed Nuncio. These was then to be obtained only by actual functionaries were eagerly welcomed parliamentary service. The difference by James. No Roman Catholic Bishop between an old and a new member was had exercised spiritual functions in as great as the difference between a the island during more than half a veteran soldier and a recruit just taken century. No Nuncio had been received from the plough; and James's Parlia- here during the hundred and twenty ment contained a most unusual propor- seven years which had elapsed since tion of new members, who had brought the death of Mary. Leyburn was from their country seats to Westminster lodged in Whitehall, and received a no political knowledge and many vio- pension of a thousand pounds a year. lent prejudices. These gentlemen Adda did not yet assume a public hated the Papists, but hated the Whigs not less intensely, and regarded the King with superstitious veneration. To form an opposition out of such materials was a feat which required the most skilful and delicate management. Some men of great weight, however, undertook the work, and performed it with success. Several rash zeal of James. The Nuncio, in experienced Whig politicians, who had not seats in that Parliament, gave useful advice and information. On the day preceding that which had been fixed for the debate, many meetings were held at which the leaders instructed the novices; and it soon appeared that these exertions had not been thrown away.* Sentiments of foreign governments. The foreign embassies were all in a ferment. It was well understood that a few days would now decide the great question, whether the King of England was or was not to be the vassal of the King of France. The ministers of the House of Austria were most anxious that James should give satisfaction to his Parliament. Innocent had sent to London two persons charged to inculcate moderation, both by admonition and by example. One of them was John Leyburn, an English Dominican, who had been secretary to Cardinal Howard, and who, with some learning and a rich vein of natural humour, was the most cautious, dexterous, and taciturn of men. He had recently been consecrated Bishop of Adrumetum, character. He passed for a foreigner of rank whom curiosity had brought to London, appeared daily at court, and was treated with high consideration. Both the Papal emissaries did their best to diminish, as much as possible, the odium inseparable from the offices which they filled, and to restrain the particular, declared that nothing could be more injurious to the interests of the Church of Rome than a rupture between the King and the Parliament.* Barillon was active on the other side. The instructions which he received from Versailles on this occasion well deserve to be studied; for they furnish a key to the policy systematically pursued by his master towards England during the twenty years which preceded our revolution. The advices from Madrid, Lewis wrote, were alarming. Strong hopes were entertained there that James would ally himself closely with the House of Austria, as soon as he should be assured that his Parliament would give him no trouble. In these circumstances, it was evidently the interest of France that the Parlia * Dodd's Church History; Van Leeuwen, rillon 17 Nov. 7. 1685; Barillon, Dec. 24. 1685. Ba- July 27. Aug. 6. and Nov. 16. 1685. The very interesting Oct. 5. 1685; Despatches of Adda, Nov. correspondence of Adda, copied from the Papal archives, is in the British Museum. 26 of the on the King's ment should prove refractory. Barillon | said that he should be glad to know was therefore directed to act, with all how the Devonshire trainbands, who possible precautions against detection, had fled in confusion before Monthe part of a makebate. At court he mouth's scythemen, would have faced was to omit no opportunity of stimu- the household troops of Lewis. But lating the religious zeal and the kingly these arguments had little effect on pride of James; but at the same time Cavaliers who still remembered with it might be desirable to have some bitterness the stern rule of the Protecsecret communication with the male- tor. The general feeling was forcibly contents. Such communication would expressed by the first of the Tory indeed be hazardous, and would require country gentlemen of England, Edward the utmost adroitness: yet it might Seymour. He admitted that the militia perhaps be in the power of the Ambas- was not in a satisfactory state, but sador, without committing himself or maintained that it might be remodelled. his government, to animate the zeal of The remodelling might require money: the opposition for the laws and liber- but, for his own part, he would rather ties of England, and to let it be under- give a million to keep up a force from stood that those laws and liberties were which he had nothing to fear, than half not regarded by his master with an a million to keep up a force of which unfriendly eye.* he must ever be afraid. Let the trainbands be disciplined: let the navy be strengthened; and the country would be secure. A standing army was at best a mere drain on the public resources. The soldier was withdrawn from all useful labour. He produced nothing: he consumed the fruits of the industry of other men; and he domineered over those by whom he was supported. But the nation was now threatened, not only with a standing army, but with a Popish standing army, with a standing army officered by men who might be very amiable and honourable, but who were on principle enemies to the constitution of the realm. Sir William Twisden, member for the county of Kent, spoke on the same side with great keenness and loud applause. Sir Richard Temple, one of the few Whigs who had a seat in that Parliament, dexterously accommodating his speech to the temper of his audience, reminded the House that a standing army had been found, by experience, The subject of the Test Act the to be as dangerous to the just authority courtiers appear to have carefully of princes as to the liberty of nations. avoided. They harangued, however, Sir John Maynard, the most learned lawwith some force on the great superi-yer of his time, took part in the debate. ority of a regular army to a militia. He was now more than eighty years old, One of them tauntingly asked whether and could well remember the political the defence of the kingdom was to be entrusted to the beefeaters. Another *This most remarkable despatch bears date theth of November 1685, and will be found in the Appendix to Mr. Fox's History. Lewis, when he dictated these inCommittee structions, did not foresee how Commons speedily and how completely his uneasiness would be respeech. moved by the obstinacy and stupidity of James. On the twelfth of November the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee on the royal speech. The Solicitor General, Heneage Finch, was in the chair. The debate was conducted by the chiefs of the new country party with rare tact and address. No expression indicating disrespect to the Sovereign or sympathy for rebels was suffered to escape. The Western insurrection was always mentioned with abhorrence. Nothing was said of the barbarities of Kirke and Jeffreys. It was admitted that the heavy expenditure which had been occasioned by the late troubles justified the King in asking some further supply: but strong objections were made to the augmentation of the army and to the infraction of the Test Act. contests of the reign of James the First. He had sate in the Long Parliament, and had taken part with the Roundheads, but had always been for lenient counsels, and had laboured to bring |