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military force; and that force would soon | the preachers; lords animated by the break the refractory spirit of the nation. same spirit which had often impelled At this crisis an act of insane bigotry the old Douglasses to withstand the Resistance suddenly changed the whole royal house, and preachers who had inLiturgy in face of public affairs. Had herited the republican opinions and the Scotland. the King been wise, he would unconquerable spirit of Knox. Both have pursued a cautious and soothing the national and religious feelings of policy towards Scotland till he was the population had been wounded. All master in the South. For Scotland was orders of men complained that their of all his kingdoms that in which there country, that country which had, with so was the greatest risk that a spark much glory, defended her independence might produce a flame, and that a flame against the ablest and bravest Plantamight become a conflagration. Consti- genets, had, through the instrumenttutional opposition, indeed, such as he ality of her native princes, become in had encountered at Westminster, he effect, though not in name, a province had not to apprehend at Edinburgh. of England. In no part of Europe had The Parliament of his northern king- the Calvinistic doctrine and discipline dom was a very different body from taken so strong a hold on the public that which bore the same name in mind. The Church of Rome was reEngland. It was ill constituted: it garded by the great body of the people was little considered; and it had never with a hatred which might justly be imposed any serious restraint on any of called ferocious; and the Church of his predecessors. The three Estates sate England, which seemed to be every in one house. The commissioners of the day becoming more and more like the burghs were considered merely as re- Church of Rome, was an object of tainers of the great nobles. No act scarcely less aversion. could be introduced till it had been approved by the Lords of Articles, a committee which was really, though not in form, nominated by the crown. But, though the Scottish Parliament was obsequious, the Scottish people had always been singularly turbulent and ungovernable. They had butchered their first James in his bedchamber: they had repeatedly arrayed themselves in arms against James the Second: they had slain James the Third on the field of battle: their disobedience had broken the heart of James the Fifth: they had deposed and imprisoned Mary: they had led her son captive; and their temper was still as intractable as ever. Their habits were rude and martial. To this step, taken in the mere wanAll along the southern border, and tonness of tyranny, and in criminal all along the line between the high- ignorance or more criminal contempt of lands and the lowlands, raged an in- public feeling, our country owes her cessant predatory war. In every part freedom. The first performance of the of the country men were accustomed foreign ceremonies produced a riot. to redress their wrongs by the strong The riot rapidly became a revolution. hand. Whatever loyalty the nation Ambition, patriotism, fanaticism, were had anciently felt to the Stuarts had mingled in one headlong torrent. The cooled during their long absence. The whole nation was in arms. The power supreme influence over the public mind of England was indeed, as appeared was divided between two classes of some years later, sufficient to coerce malecontents, the lords of the soil and Scotland: but a large part of the

The government had long wished to extend the Anglican system over the whole island, and had already, with this view, made several changes highly distasteful to every Presbyterian. One innovation, however, the most hazardous of all, because it was directly cognisable by the senses of the common people, had not yet been attempted. The public worship of God was still conducted in the manner acceptable to the nation. Now, however, Charles and Laud determined to force on the Scots the English liturgy, or rather a liturgy which, wherever it differed from that of England, differed, in the judgment of all rigid Protestants, for the worse.

English people sympathised with the religious feelings of the insurgents; and many Englishmen who had no scruple about antiphonies and genuflexions, altars and surplices, saw with pleasure the progress of a rebellion which seemed likely to confound the arbitrary projects of the court, and to make the calling of a Parliament necessary.

ment call

than ever on the nation, while the spirit of the nation rose up more angrily than ever against the yoke. Members of the House of Commons were questioned by the Privy Council touching their parliamentary conduct, and thrown into prison for refusing to reply. Shipmoney was levied with increased rigour. The Lord Mayor and the Sheriffs of London were threatened with imprisonment for remissness in collecting the payments. Soldiers were enlisted by force. Money for their support was exacted from their counties. Torture, which had always been illegal, and which had recently been declared illegal even by the servile judges of that age, was inflicted for the last time in Eng

Everything now depended on the event of the King's military operations against the Scots. Among his troops there was little of that feeling which separates professional soldiers from the mass of a nation, and attaches them to their leaders. His army, composed for the most part of recruits, who regretted the plough from which they had been violently taken, and who were imbued with the religious and political sentiments then prevalent throughout the country, was more formidable to himself than to the enemy. The Scots, encouraged by the heads of the English opposition, and feebly resisted by the English forces, marched across the Tweed and the Tyne, and encamped on the borders of Yorkshire. And now the murmurs of discontent swelled into an uproar by which all spirits save one were overawed. But the voice of Strafford was still for Thorough; and he, even in this extremity, showed a nature so cruel and despotic, that his own pikemen were ready to tear him in pieces.

For the senseless freak which had produced these effects Wentworth is not responsible.* It had, in fact, thrown all his plans into confusion. To counsel submission, however, was not in his nature. An attempt was made to put down the insurrection by the sword: but the King's military means and military talents were unequal to the task. To impose fresh taxes on England in the month of May 1640. land in defiance of law would, at this conjuncture, have been madness. No resource was left but a Parliament; A Parlia and in the spring of 1640 a ed and dis- Parliament was convoked. solved. The nation had been put into good humour by the prospect of seeing constitutional government restored, and grievances redressed. The new House of Commons was more temperate and more respectful to the throne than any which had sate since the death of Elizabeth. The moderation of this assembly has been highly extolled by the most distinguished Royalists, and seems to have caused no small vexation and disappointment to the chiefs of the opposition but it was the uniform practice of Charles, a practice equally impolitic and ungenerous, to refuse all compliance with the desires of his people, till those desires were expressed in a menacing tone. As soon as the Commons showed a disposition to take into consideration the grievances under which the country had suffered during eleven years, the King dissolved the There was yet one last expedient Parliament with every mark of dis- which, as the King flattered himself, pleasure. might save him from the misery of Between the dissolution of this short-facing another House of Commons. To lived assembly and the meeting of that the House of Lords he was less averse. ever memorable body known by the The Bishops were devoted to him; name of the Long Parliament, inter- and, though the temporal peers were vened a few months, during which the generally dissatisfied with his adminisyoke was pressed down more severely tration, they were, as a class, so deeply *See his letter to the Earl of Northumber- interested in the maintenance of order, and in the stability of ancient institu

land, dated July 30, 1638.

tions, that they were not likely to call for extensive reforms. Departing from the uninterrupted practice of centuries, he called a Great Council consisting of Lords alone. But the Lords were too prudent to assume the unconstitutional functions with which he wished to invest them. Without money, without credit, without authority even in his own camp, he yielded to the pressure of necessity. The Houses were convoked; and the elections proved that, since the spring, the distrust and hatred with which the government was regarded had made fearful progress.

Parlia

ment.

In November 1640 met that reThe Long nowned Parliament which, in spite of many errors and disas ters, is justly entitled to the reverence and gratitude of all who, in any part of the world, enjoy the blessings of constitutional government.

to a law by which he bound himself not to adjourn, prorogue, or dissolve the existing Parliament without its own consent.

After ten months of assiduous toil, the Houses, in September 1641, adjourned for a short vacation; and the King visited Scotland. He with difficulty pacified that kingdom by consenting not only to relinquish his plans of ecclesiastical reform, but even to pass, with a very bad grace, an act declaring that episcopacy was contrary to the word of God.

pearance

English

The recess of the English Parliament lasted six weeks. The day on First apwhich the Houses met again of the two is one of the most remarkable great epochs in our history. From parties. that day dates the corporate existence of the two great parties which have ever since alternately governed During the year which followed, no the country. In one sense, indeed, very important division of opinion the distinction which then became appeared in the Houses. The civil obvious had always existed, and aland ecclesiastical administration had, ways must exist. For it has its origin through a period of near twelve years, in diversities of temper, of understandbeen so oppressive and so unconstitu-ing, and of interest, which are found in tional that even those classes of which all societies, and which will be found the inclinations are generally on the till the human mind ceases to be side of order and authority were eager drawn in opposite directions by the to promote popular reforms, and to charm of habit and by the charm of bring the instruments of tyranny to novelty. Not only in politics, but in justice. It was enacted that no in- literature, in art, in science, in surgery terval of more than three years should and mechanics, in navigation and agriever elapse between Parliament and culture, nay, even in mathematics, we Parliament, and that, if writs under find this distinction. Everywhere there the Great Seal were not issued at the is a class of men who cling with fondproper time, the returning officers ness to whatever is ancient, and who, should, without such writs, call the even when convinced by overpowering constituent bodies together for the reasons that innovation would be benechoice of representatives. The Star ficial, consent to it with many misgivChamber, the High Commission, the ings and forebodings. We find also Council of York were swept away. everywhere another class of men, sanMen who, after suffering cruel mutila-guine in hope, bold in speculation, tions, had been confined in remote always pressing forward, quick to disdungeons, regained their liberty. On cern the imperfections of whatever the chief ministers of the crown the exists, disposed to think lightly of the vengeance of the nation was unspar-risks and inconveniences which attend ingly wreaked. The Lord Keeper, improvements, and disposed to give the Primate, the Lord Lieutenant were every change credit for being an imimpeached. Finch saved himself by provement. In the sentiments of both flight. Laud was flung into the Tower. Strafford was put to death by act of attainder. On the day on which this act passed, the King gave his assent

classes there is something to approve. But of both the best specimens will be found not far from the common frontier. The extreme section of one class

consists of bigoted dotards: the extreme, necessity could justify, only about sixty section of the other consists of shallow members of the House of Commons and reckless empirics.

voted. It is certain that Hyde was not in the minority, and that Falkland not only voted with the majority, but spoke strongly for the bill. Even the few who entertained a scruple about inflicting death by a retrospective enactment thought it necessary to express the utmost abhorrence of Strafford's character and administration.

There can be no doubt that in our very first Parliaments might have been discerned a body of members anxious to preserve, and a body eager to reform. But, while the sessions of the legislature were short, these bodies did not take definite and permanent forms, array themselves under recognised leaders, or assume distinguishing But under this apparent concord a names, badges, and war cries. During great schism was latent; and when, the first months of the Long Parlia- in October 1641, the Parliament rement, the indignation excited by many assembled after a short recess, two years of lawless oppression was so hostile parties, essentially the same strong and general that the House of with those which, under different Commons acted as one man. Abuse names, have ever since contended, after abuse disappeared without a and are still contending, for the direcstruggle. If a small minority of the tion of public affairs, appeared conrepresentative body wished to retain fronting each other. During some the Star Chamber and the High Com-years they were designated as Cavamission, that minority, overawed by liers and Roundheads. They were subthe enthusiasm and by the numerical sequently called Tories and Whigs; nor superiority of the reformers, contented does it seem that these appellations itself with secretly regretting institu- are likely soon to become obsolete. tions which could not, with any hope of success, be openly defended. At a later period the Royalists found it convenient to antedate the separation between themselves and their opponents, and to attribute the Act which restrained the King from dissolving or proroguing the Parliament, the Triennial Act, the impeachment of the ministers, and the attainder of Strafford, to the faction which afterwards made war on the King. But no artifice could be more disingenuous. Every one of those strong measures was actively promoted by the men who were afterwards foremost among the Cavaliers. No republican spoke of the long misgovernment of Charles more severely than Colepepper. The most remarkable speech in favour of the Triennial Bill was made by Digby. The impeachment of the Lord Keeper was moved by Falkland. The demand that the Lord Lieutenant should be kept close prisoner was made at the bar of the Lords by Hyde. Not till the law attainting Strafford was proposed did the signs of serious disunion become visible. Even against that law, a law which nothing but extreme

It would not be difficult to compose a lampoon or a panegyric on either of these renowned factions. For no man not utterly destitute of judgment and candour will deny that there are many deep stains on the fame of the party to which he belongs, or that the party to which he is opposed may justly boast of many illustrious names, of many heroic actions, and of many great services rendered to the state. The truth is that, though both parties have often seriously erred, England could have spared neither. If, in her institutions, freedom and order, the advantages arising from innovation and the advantages arising from prescription, have been combined to an extent elsewhere unknown, we may attribute this happy peculiarity to the strenuous conflicts and alternate victories of two rival confederacies of statesmen, a confederacy zealous for authority and antiquity, and a confederacy zealous for liberty and progress.

It ought to be remembered that the difference between the two great sections of English politicians has always been a difference rather of degree than of principle. There were certain limits

on the right and on the left, which | company of some allies much less dewere very rarely overstepped. A few corous than themselves. The Puritan enthusiasts on one side were ready to austerity drove to the King's faction all lay all our laws and franchises at the who made pleasure their business, who feet of our Kings. A few enthusiasts affected gallantry, splendour of dress, on the other side were bent on pur- or taste in the lighter arts. With these suing, through endless civil troubles, went all who live by amusing the their darling phantom of a republic. leisure of others, from the painter and But the great majority of those who the comic poet, down to the ropedancer fought for the crown were averse to and the Merry Andrew. For these despotism; and the great majority of artists well knew that they might thrive the champions of popular rights were under a superb and luxurious despoaverse to anarchy. Twice, in the course tism, but must starve under the rigid of the seventeenth century, the two par- rule of the precisians. In the same inties suspended their dissensions, and terest were the Roman Catholics to a united their strength in a common cause. man. The Queen, a daughter of France, Their first coalition restored hereditary was of their own faith. Her husband monarchy. Their second coalition was known to be strongly attached to rescued constitutional freedom. her, and not a little in awe of her. Though undoubtedly a Protestant on conviction, he regarded the professors of the old religion with no ill will, and would gladly have granted them a much larger toleration than he was disposed to concede to the Presbyterians. If the opposition obtained the mastery, it was probable that the sanguinary laws enacted against Papists, in the reign of Elizabeth, would be severely enforced. The Roman Catholics were therefore induced by the strongest motives to espouse the cause of the court. They in general acted with a caution which brought on them the reproach of cowardice and lukewarmness: but it is probable that, in maintaining great reserve, they consulted the King's interest as well as their own. It was not for his service that they should be conspicuous among his friends.

It is also to be noted that these two parties have never been the whole nation, nay, that they have never, taken together, made up a majority of the nation. Between them has always been a great mass, which has not steadfastly adhered to either, which has sometimes remained inertly neutral, and which has sometimes oscillated to and fro. That mass has more than once passed in a few years from one extreme to the other, and back again. Sometimes it has changed sides, merely because it was tired of supporting the same men, sometimes because it was dismayed by its own excesses, sometimes because it had expected impossibilities, and had been disappointed. But, whenever it has leaned with its whole weight in either direction, that weight has, for the time, been irresistible.

When the rival parties first appeared in a distinct form, they seemed to be not unequally matched. On the side of the government was a large majority of the nobles, and of those opulent and well descended gentlemen to whom nothing was wanting of nobility but the name. These, with the dependents whose support they could command, were no small power in the state. On the same side were the great body of the clergy, both the Universities, and all those laymen who were strongly attached to episcopal government and to the Anglican ritual. These respectable classes found themselves in the

VOL. I.

The main strength of the opposition lay among the small freeholders in the country, and among the merchants and shopkeepers of the towns. But these were headed by a formidable minority of the aristocracy, a minority which included the rich and powerful Earls of Northumberland, Bedford, Warwick, Stamford, and Essex, and several other Lords of great wealth and influence. In the same ranks was found the whole body of Protestant Nonconformists, and most of those members of the Established Church who still adhered to the Calvinistic opinions which, forty years before, had been generally held by the

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