XIV. France was now, beyond all doubt, the | she had rivals on the sea, she had not greatest power in Europe. Her re- yet a superior. Such was her strength sources have, since those days, abso- during the last forty years of the sevenlutely increased, but have not increased teenth century, that no enemy could so fast as the resources of England. It singly withstand her, and that two great must also be remembered that, a hun- coalitions, in which half Christendom dred and eighty years ago, the empire was united against her, failed of success. of Russia, now a monarchy of the first The personal qualities of the French class, was as entirely out of the system King added to the respect in- Character of European politics as Abyssinia or spired by the power and im- of Lewis Siam, that the House of Brandenburg portance of his kingdom. No was then hardly more powerful than sovereign has ever represented the mathe House of Saxony, and that the re-jesty of a great state with more dignity public of the United States had not and grace. He was his own prime mithen begun to exist. The weight of nister, and performed the duties of a France, therefore, though still very con- prime minister with an ability and an siderable, has relatively diminished. industry which could not be reasonably Her territory was not in the days of expected from one who had in infancy Lewis the Fourteenth quite so extensive succeeded to a crown, and who had as at present: but it was large, com- been surrounded by flatterers before he pact, fertile, well placed both for attack could speak. He had shown, in an and for defence, situated in a happy eminent degree, two talents invaluable climate, and inhabited by a brave, ac- to a prince, the talent of choosing his tive, and ingenious people. The state servants well, and the talent of approimplicitly obeyed the direction of a priating to himself the chief part of the single mind. The great fiefs which, credit of their acts. In his dealings three hundred years before, had been, with foreign powers he had some genein all but name, independent principa-rosity, but no justice. To unhappy allities, had been annexed to the crown. lies who threw themselves at his feet, Only a few old men could remember and had no hope but in his compassion, the last meeting of the States General. he extended his protection with a roThe resistance which the Huguenots, mantic disinterestedness, which seemed the nobles, and the parliaments had better suited to a knight errant than offered to the kingly power, had been to a statesman. But he broke through put down by the two great Cardinals the most sacred ties of public faith who had ruled the nation during forty without scruple or shame, whenever years. The government was now a they interfered with his interest, or despotism, but, at least in its dealings with what he called his glory. His with the upper classes, a mild and gene- perfidy and violence, however, excited rous despotism, tempered by courteous less enmity than the insolence with manners and chivalrous sentiments. which he constantly reminded his neighThe means at the disposal of the sove-bours of his own greatness and of their reign were, for that age, truly formida- littleness. He did not at this time proble. His revenue, raised, it is true, by fess the austere devotion which, at a a severe and unequal taxation which later period, gave to his court the aspect pressed heavily on the cultivators of of a monastery. On the contrary, he the soil, far exceeded that of any other was as licentious, though by no means potentate. His army, excellently dis-as frivolous and indolent, as his brother ciplined, and commanded by the great- of England. But he was a sincere est generals then living, already consisted of more than a hundred and twenty thousand men. Such an array of regular troops had not been seen in Europe since the downfall of the Roman empire. Of maritime powers France was not the first. But, though Roman Catholic; and both his conscience and his vanity impelled him to use his power for the defence and propagation of the true faith, after the example of his renowned predecessors, Clovis, Charlemagne, and Saint Lewis. Our ancestors naturally looked with serious alarm on the growing power of France. This feeling, in itself perfectly reasonable, was mingled with other feelings less praiseworthy. France was our old enemy. It was against France that the most glorious battles recorded in our annals had been fought. The conquest of France had been twice effected by the Plantagenets. The loss of France had been long remembered as a great national disaster. The title of King of France was still borne by our sovereigns. The lilies of France still appeared, mingled with our own lions, on the shield of the House of Stuart. In the sixteenth century the dread inspired by Spain had suspended the animosity of which France had anciently been the object. But the dread inspired by Spain had given place to contemptuous compassion; and France was again regarded as our national foe. The sale of Dunkirk to France had been the most generally unpopular act of the restored King. Attachment to France had been prominent among the crimes imputed by the Commons to Clarendon. Even in trifles the public feeling showed itself. When a brawl took place in the streets of Westminster between the retinues of the French and Spanish embassies, the populace, though forcibly prevented from interfering, had given unequivocal proofs that the old antipathy to France was not extinct. France and Spain were now engaged in a more serious contest. One of the chief objects of the policy of Lewis throughout his life was to extend his dominions towards the Rhine. For this end he had engaged in war with Spain, and he was now in the full career of conquest. The United Provinces saw with anxiety the progress of his arms. That renowned federation had reached the height of power, prosperity, and glory. The Batavian territory, conquered from the waves and defended against them by human art, was in extent little superior to the principality of Wales. But all that narrow space was a busy and populous hive, in which new wealth was every day created, and in which vast masses of old wealth were hoarded. The aspect of Holland, the rich cultivation, the innumerable canals, the ever whirling mills, the endless fleets of barges, the quick succession of great towns, the ports bristling with thousands of masts, the large and stately mansions, the trim villas, the richly furnished apartments, the picture galleries, the summer houses, the tulip beds, produced on English travellers in that age an effect similar to the effect which the first sight of England now produces on a Norwegian or a Canadian. The States General had been compelled to humble themselves before Cromwell. But after the Restoration they had taken their revenge, had waged war with success against Charles, and had concluded peace on honourable terms. Rich, however, as the Republic was, and highly considered in Europe, she was no match for the power of Lewis. She apprehended, not without good cause, that his kingdom might soon be extended to her frontiers; and she might well dread the immediate vicinity of a monarch so great, so ambitious, and so unscrupulous. Yet it was not easy to devise any expedient which might avert the danger. The Dutch alone could not turn the scale against France. On the side of the Rhine no help was to be expected. Several German princes had been gained by Lewis; and the Emperor himself was embarrassed by the discontents of Hungary. England was separated from the United Provinces by the recollection of cruel injuries recently inflicted and endured; and her policy had, since the Restoration, been so devoid of wisdom and spirit, that it was scarcely possible to expect from her any valuable assistance. But the fate of Clarendon and the growing ill humour of the Parliament determined the advisers of Charles to adopt on a sudden a policy which amazed and delighted the nation. Alliance. The English resident at Brussels, Sir William Temple, one of The Triple the most expert diplomatists and most pleasing writers of that age, had already represented to his court that it was both desirable and practicable to enter into engagements with the States General for the purpose checking the progress of France. For a time his suggestions had been slighted; of but it was now thought expedient to to become serious. The independence, act on them. He was commissioned the safety, the dignity of the nation to negotiate with the States General. over which he presided were nothing He proceeded to the Hague, and soon to him. He had begun to find consticame to an understanding with John tutional restraints galling. Already De Witt, then the chief minister of had been formed in the Parliament a Holland. Sweden, small as her re- strong connection known by the name sources were, had, forty years before, of the Country Party. That party been raised by the genius of Gustavus included all the public men who leaned Adolphus to a high rank among Eu- towards Puritanism and Republicanism, ropean powers, and had not yet de- and many who, though attached to the scended to her natural position. She Church and to hereditary monarchy, was induced to join on this occasion had been driven into opposition by with England and the States. Thus dread of Popery, by dread of France, was formed that coalition known as and by disgust at the extravagance, the Triple Alliance. Lewis showed dissoluteness, and faithlessness of the signs of vexation and resentment, but court. The power of this band of polidid not think it politic to draw on ticians was constantly growing. Every himself the hostility of such a confede-year some of those members who had racy in addition to that of Spain. He been returned to Parliament during consented, therefore, to relinquish a the loyal excitement of 1661 had large part of the territory which his dropped off; and the vacant seats had armies had occupied. Peace was re- generally been filled by persons less stored to Europe; and the English tractable. Charles did not think himgovernment, lately an object of general self a King while an assembly of subcontempt, was, during a few months,jects could call for his accounts before regarded by foreign powers with respect scarcely less than that which the Protector had inspired. At home the Triple Alliance was popular in the highest degree. It gratified alike national animosity and national pride. It put a limit to the encroachments of a powerful and ambitious neighbour. It bound the leading Protestant states together in close union. Cavaliers and Roundheads rejoiced in common: but the joy of the Roundhead was even greater than that of the Cavalier. For England had now allied herself strictly with a country republican in government and Presbyterian in religion, against a country ruled by an arbitrary prince and attached to the Roman Catholic Church. The House of Commons loudly applauded the treaty; and some uncourtly grumblers described it as the only good thing that had been done since the King came in. The King, however, cared little for The Coun. the approbation of his Parliatry Party. ment or of his people. The Triple Alliance he regarded merely as a temporary expedient for quieting discontents which had seemed likely VOL. I. paying his debts, and could insist on knowing which of his mistresses or boon companions had intercepted the money destined for the equipping and manning of the fleet. Though not very studious of fame, he was galled by the taunts which were sometimes uttered in the discussions of the Commons, and on one occasion attempted to restrain the freedom of speech by disgraceful means. Sir John Coventry, a country gentleman, had, in debate, sneered at the profligacy of the court. In any former reign he would probably have been called before the Privy Council and committed to the Tower. A different course was now taken. A gang of bullies was secretly sent to slit the nose of the offender. This ignoble revenge, instead of quelling the spirit of opposition, raised such a tempest that the King was compelled to submit to the cruel humiliation of passing an act which attainted the instruments of his revenge, and which took from him the power of pardoning them. But, impatient as he was of constitutional restraints, how was he to emancipate himself from them? He could make himself despotic only by H the help of a great standing army; and | and of powerful understanding. But such an army was not in existence. to Charles, sensual, indolent, unequal to His revenues did indeed enable him to any strong intellectual exertion, and keep up some regular troops: but those destitute alike of all patriotism and of troops, though numerous enough to all sense of personal dignity, the proexcite great jealousy and apprehension spect had nothing unpleasing. in the House of Commons and in the country, were scarcely numerous enough to protect Whitehall and the Tower against a rising of the mob of London. Such risings were, indeed, to be dreaded; for it was calculated that in the capital and its suburbs dwelt not less than twenty thousand of Oliver's old soldiers. Connec tion between and France. That the Duke of York should have concurred in the design of degrading that crown which it was probable that he would himself one day wear may seem more extraordinary. For his nature was haughty and imperious; and, indeed, he continued to the very last to show, by occasional starts and struggles, his impatience of the French But he was almost as much debased by superstition as his brother by indolence and vice. James was now a Roman Catholic. Religious bigotry had become the dominant sentiment of his narrow and stubborn mind, and had so mingled itself with his love of rule, that the two passions could hardly be distinguished from each other. It seemed highly improbable that, with The Since the King was bent on emanci-yoke. pating himself from the control of Parliament, and since, Charles II. in such an enterprise, he could not hope for effectual aid at home, it followed that he must look for aid abroad. The power and wealth of the King of France might be equal to the arduous task of establishing absolute monarchy in England. Such an ally would undoubtedly expect sub-out foreign aid, he would be able to stantial proofs of gratitude for such a obtain ascendency, or even toleration, service. Charles must descend to the for his own faith: and he was in a rank of a great vassal, and must make temper to see nothing humiliating in peace and war according to the direc- any step which might promote the intions of the government which pro-terests of the true Church. tected him. His relation to Lewis A negotiation was opened which would closely resemble that in which lasted during several months. the Rajah of Nagpore and the King of chief agent between the English and Oude now stand to the British govern- French courts was the beautiful, gracement. Those princes are bound to aid ful, and intelligent Henrietta, Duchess the East India Company in all hos of Orleans, sister of Charles, sister in tilities, defensive and offensive, and to law of Lewis, and a favourite with have no diplomatic relations but such both. The King of England offered as the East India Company shall to declare himself a Roman Catholic, sanction. The Company in return to dissolve the Triple Alliance, and to guarantees them against insurrection. join with France against Holland, if As long as they faithfully discharge France would engage to lend him such their obligations to the paramount military and pecuniary aid as might power, they are permitted to dispose make him independent of his Parliaof large revenues, to fill their palaces ment. Lewis at first affected to receive with beautiful women, to besot them- these propositions coolly, and at length selves in the company of their favourite agreed to them with the air of a man revellers, and to oppress with impunity who is conferring a great favour: but any subject who may incur their dis-in truth, the course which he had repleasure. Such a life would be in- solved to take was one by which he supportable to a man of high spirit might gain and could not lose. *I am happy to say, that, since this passage was written, the territories both of the have been added to the British dominions. Rajah of Nagpore and of the King of Oude (1857.) It seems certain that he seriously thought of establishEngland by force of arms. ing despotism and Popery in never Views of respect to He must have been aware that such an en- | Church of Rome, and proud of the terprise would be in the highest degree greatness of their King and of their own arduous and hazardous, that it would loyalty, looked on our struggles against task to the utmost all the energies of Popery and arbitrary power, not only France during many years, and that it without admiration or sympathy, but would be altogether incompatible with with strong disapprobation and disgust. more promising schemes of aggrandise- It would therefore be a great error to ment, which were dear to his heart. ascribe the conduct of Lewis to appreHe would indeed willingly have ac-hensions at all resembling those which, quired the merit and glory of doing a in our age, induced the Holy Alliance great service on reasonable terms to to interfere in the internal troubles of the Church of which he was a member. Naples and Spain. But he was little disposed to imitate Nevertheless, the propositions made his ancestors who, in the twelfth by the court of Whitehall were most and thirteenth centuries, had led the welcome to him. He already meditated flower of French chivalry to die in gigantic designs, which were destined Syria and Egypt; and he well knew to keep Europe in constant fermentation that a crusade against Protestantism during more than forty years. He in Great Britain would not be less wished to humble the United Provinces, perilous than the expeditions in which and to annex Belgium, Franche Comté, the armies of Lewis the Seventh and and Loraine to his dominions. Nor of Lewis the Ninth had perished. He was this all. The King of Spain was had no motive for wishing the Stuarts a sickly child. It was likely that he to be absolute. He did not regard the would die without issue. His eldest English constitution with feelings at sister was Queen of France. A day all resembling those which have in later would almost certainly come, and might times induced princes to make war on come very soon, when the House of the free institutions of neighbouring Bourbon might lay claim to that vast nations. At present a great party empire on which the sun never set. The zealous for popular government has union of two great monarchies under ramifications in every civilised country. one head would doubtless be opposed Any important advantage gained any- by a continental coalition. But for where by that party is almost certain any continental coalition France singleto be the signal for general commotion. handed was a match. England could It is not wonderful that governments turn the scale. On the course which, threatened by a common danger in such a crisis, England might pursue, should combine for the purpose of the destinies of the world would depend; mutual insurance. But in the seven- and it was notorious that the English teenth century no such danger existed. Parliament and nation were strongly Between the public mind of England attached to the policy which had dicand the public mind of France there tated the Triple Alliance. Nothing, was a great gulph. Our institutions therefore, could be more gratifying to and our factions were as little under-Lewis than to learn that the princes of stood at Paris as at Constantinople. the House of Stuart needed his help, It may be doubted whether any one of the forty members of the French Academy had an English volume in his library, or knew Shakspeare, Jonson, or Spenser, even by name. A few Huguenots, who had inherited the mutinous spirit of their ancestors, might perhaps have a fellow feeling with their brethren in the faith, the English Roundheads: but the Huguenots had ceased to be formidable. The French, as a people, attached to the and were willing to purchase that help by unbounded subserviency. He determined to profit by the opportunity, and laid down for himself a plan to which, without deviation, he adhered, till the Revolution of 1688 disconcerted all his politics. He professed himself desirous to promote the designs of the English court. He promised large aid. He from time to time doled out such aid as might serve to keep hope alive, and as he could without risk or incon |