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giving advice on legal points. It was | Rochester, he had only one answer. resolved that on the Monday the state of His head was in danger. In vain he the kingdom should be taken into consideration.*

The interval between the sitting of Saturday and the sitting of Monday was anxious and eventful. A strong party among the Peers still cherished the hope that the constitution and religion of England might be secured without the deposition of the King. This party resolved to move a solemn address to him, imploring him to consent to such terms as might remove the discontents and apprehensions which his past conduct had excited. Sancroft, who, since the return of James from Kent to Whitehall, had taken no part in public affairs, determined to come forth from his retreat on this occasion, and to put himself at the head of the Royalists. Several messengers were sent to Rochester with letters for the King. He was assured that his interests would be strenuously defended, if only he could, at this last moment, make up his mind to renounce designs abhorred by his people. Some respectable Roman Catholics followed him, in order to implore him, for the sake of their common faith, not to carry the vain contest further.†

The advice was good; but James was in no condition to take it. His understanding had always been dull and feeble; and, such as it was, womanish tremors and childish fancies now disabled him from using it. He was aware that his flight was the thing which his adherents most dreaded and which his enemies most desired. Even if there had been serious personal risk in remaining, the occasion was one on which he ought to have thought it infamous to flinch for the question was whether he and his posterity should reign on an ancestral throne or should be vagabonds and beggars. But in his mind all other feelings had given place to a craven fear for his life. To the earnest entreaties and unanswerable arguments of the agents whom his friends had sent to

*Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 21. 1688; Van Citters, same date.

† Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 21, 22. 1688; Life of James, ii. 268. 270. Orig. Mem.

was assured that there was no ground for such an apprehension, that common sense, if not principle, would restrain his kinsman from incurring the guilt and shame of regicide and parricide, and that many, who never would consent to depose their Sovereign while he remained on English ground, would think themselves absolved from their allegiance by his desertion. Fright overpowered every other feeling. James determined to depart; and it was easy for him to do so. He was negligently guarded: all persons were suffered to repair to him: vessels ready to put to sea lay at no great distance; and their boats might come close to the garden of the house in which he was lodged. Had he been wise, the pains which his keepers took to facilitate his escape would have sufficed to convince him that he ought to stay where he was. In truth the snare was so ostentatiously exhibited that it could impose on nothing but folly bewildered by terror.

James

The arrangements were expeditiously made. On the evening of Sa- Flight of turday the twenty-second the from RoKing assured some of the gen- chester. tlemen, who had been sent to him from London with intelligence and advice, that he would see them again in the morning. He went to bed, rose at dead of night, and, attended by Berwick, stole out at a back door, and went through the garden to the shore of the Medway. A small skiff was in waiting. Soon after the dawn of Sunday the fugitives were on board of a smack which was running down the Thames.*

That afternoon the tidings of the flight reached London. The King's adherents were confounded. The Whigs could not conceal their joy. The good news encouraged the Prince to take a bold and important step. He was informed that communications were passing between the French embassy and the party hostile to him. It was well known that at that embassy all the arts of corruption were well understood; and there could be little doubt that, at

* Clarendon, Dec. 23. 1688; Life of James, ii. 271. 273. 275. Orig. Mem.

such a conjuncture, neither intrigues | grieve to say that there is nothing in nor pistoles would be spared. Barillon it which will give your Lordships any was most desirous to remain a few days satisfaction." In truth it contained longer in London, and for that end no expression of regret for past errors: omitted no art which could conciliate it held out no hope that those errors the victorious party. In the streets would in future be avoided; and it he quieted the populace, who looked threw the blame of all that had hapangrily at his coach, by throwing money pened on the malice of William and on among them. At his table he publicly the blindness of a nation deluded by drank the health of the Prince of the specious names of religion and Orange. But William was not to be so cajoled. He had not, indeed, taken on himself to exercise regal authority: but he was a general: and, as such, he was not bound to tolerate, within the territory of which he had taken military occupation, the presence of one whom he regarded as a spy. Before that day closed Barillon was informed that he must leave England within twenty four hours. He begged hard for a short delay: but minutes were precious; the order was repeated in more peremptory terms; and he unwillingly set off for Dover. That no mark of contempt and defiance might be omitted, he was escorted to the coast by one of his Protestant countrymen whom persecution had driven into exile. So bitter was the resentment excited by the French ambition and arrogance that even those Englishmen who were not generally disposed to take a favourable view of William's conduct loudly applauded him for retorting with so much spirit the insolence with which Lewis had, during many years, treated every court in Europe.*

Debates

lutions of

property. None ventured to propose that a negotiation should be opened with a prince whom the most rigid discipline of adversity seemed only to have made more obstinate in wrong. Something was said about inquiring into the birth of the Prince of Wales: but the Whig peers treated the suggestion with disdain. "I did not expect, my Lords," exclaimed Philip Lord Wharton, an old Roundhead, who had commanded a regiment against Charles the First at Edgehill, "I did not expect to hear anybody at this time of day mention the child who was called Prince of Wales; and I hope that we have now heard the last of him." After long discussion it was resolved that two addresses should be presented to William. One address requested him to take on himself provisionally the administration of the government; the other recommended that he should, by circular letters subscribed with his own hand, invite all the constituent bodies of the kingdom to send up representatives to Westminster. At the same time the Peers took upon themselves to issue an order banishing all Papists, except a few privileged persons, from London and the vicinity.*

in

On Monday the Lords met again. Halifax was chosen to preside. and roso The Primate was absent, the the Lords. Royalists sad and gloomy, the The Lords presented their addresses Whigs eager and in high spirits. It to the Prince on the following day, was known that James had left a letter without waiting for the issue of the behind him. Some of his friends moved deliberations of the commoners whom that it might be produced, in the faint he had called together. It seems, hope that it might contain propositions deed, that the hereditary nobles were which might furnish a basis for a happy disposed at this moment to be puncsettlement. On this motion the pre- tilious in asserting their dignity, and vious question was put and carried. were unwilling to recognise a coordiGodolphin, who was known not to be nate authority in an assembly unknown unfriendly to his old master, uttered a to the law. They conceived that they few words which were decisive. "I were a real House of Lords. The other have seen the paper," he said; "and I

* Van Citters, Jan. 1689; Witsen MS. quoted by Wagenaar, book lx.

*Halifax's notes; Lansdowne MS. 255.; Clarendon's Diary, December 24. 1688; London Gazette, December 31.

any

Chamber they despised as only a mock | vention should meet, to take on himself House of Commons. William, however, the executive administration.* wisely excused himself from coming to decision till he had ascertained the sense of the gentlemen who had formerly been honoured with the confidence of the counties and towns of England.*

Debates and reso

lutions of

the commoners

The commoners who had been summoned met in Saint Stephen's Chapel, and formed a numerous assembly. They placed in the chair Henry Powle, who had represented Cirencester in several Parliaments, and had been eminent among the supporters of the Exclusion Bill.

summon

ed by the Prince.

Prince to restore

He had undertaken no light task. The whole machine of govern- Exertions ment was disordered. The of the Justices of the Peace had abandoned their functions. The order. officers of the revenue had ceased to collect the taxes. The army which Feversham had disbanded was still in confusion, and ready to break out into mutiny. The fleet was in a scarcely less alarming state. Large arrears of pay were due to the civil and military servants of the crown; and only forty thousand pounds remained in the Exchequer. The Prince addressed himself Addresses were proposed and adopted with vigour to the work of restoring similar to those which the Lords had order. He published a proclamation already presented. No difference of by which all magistrates were contiopinion appeared on any serious ques-nued in office, and another containing tion; and some feeble attempts which orders for the collection of the revenue.Ť were made to raise a debate on points The new modelling of the army went of form were put down by the general contempt. Sir Robert Sawyer declared that he could not conceive how it was possible for the Prince to administer the government without some distinguishing title, such as Regent or Protector. Old Maynard, who, as a lawyer, had no equal, and who was also a politician versed in the tactics of revolutions, was at no pains to conceal his disdain for so puerile an objection, taken at a moment when union and promptitude were of the highest importance. "We shall sit here very long," he said, "if we sit till Sir Robert can conceive how such a thing is possible ;" and the assembly thought the answer as good as the cavil deserved.†

A Con

called.

The resolutions of the meeting were communicated to the Prince. vention He forthwith announced his determination to comply with the joint request of the two Chambers which he had called together, to issue letters summoning a Convention of the Estates of the Realm, and, till the Con

Dec. 25. *Van Citters, Jan. 4. 168.

The objector was designated in contem

porary books and pamphlets only by his initials; and these were sometimes misinterpreted. Eachard attributes the cavil to Sir Robert Southwell. But I have little doubt that Oldmixon is right in putting it into the mouth of Sawyer.

rapidly on. Many of the noblemen and gentlemen who had been removed from the command of the English regiments were reappointed. A way was found of employing the thousands of Irish soldiers whom James had brought into England. They could not safely be suffered to remain in a country where they were objects of religious and national animosity. They could not safely be sent home to reinforce the army of Tyrconnel. It was therefore deter mined that they should be conveyed to the Continent, where they might, under the banners of the House of Austria, render indirect but effectual service to the cause of the English constitution and of the Protestant religion. Dartmouth was removed from his command; and the navy was conciliated by assur ances that every sailor should speedily receive his due. The City of London undertook to extricate the Prince from his financial difficulties. The Common Council, by an unanimous vote, engaged to find him two hundred thousand pounds. It was thought a great proof, both of the wealth and of the public spirit of the merchants of the capital,

* History of the Desertion; Life of William, 1703; Van Citters, Jan. 7. 168.

Dec. 28.

+ London Gazette, Jan. 3. 7. 1688.

that, in forty eight hours, the whole | time his known hatred of Popery was a sum was raised on no security but the sufficient guarantee to the most zealous Prince's word. A few weeks before, Protestants that the interests of their James had been unable to procure a much smaller loan, though he had offered to pay higher interest, and to pledge valuable property.*

His tolerant

religion would be safe in his hands. He listened kindly to the complaints of the Roman Catholics, procured passports for those who wished to go beyond In a very few days the confusion, sea, and went himself to Newgate to which the invasion, the insur- visit the prelates who were imprisoned rection, the flight of James, there. He ordered them to be removed policy. and the suspension of all re-to a more commodious apartment and gular government had produced, was supplied with every indulgence. He at an end, and the kingdom wore again solemnly assured them that not a hair its accustomed aspect. There was a of their heads should be touched, and general sense of security. Even the that, as soon as the Prince could ven-་ classes which were most obnoxious to ture to act as he wished, they should public hatred, and which had most be set at liberty. The Spanish minreason to apprehend persecution, were ister reported to his government, and, protected by the politic clemency of the through his government, to the Pope, conqueror. Persons deeply implicated that no Catholic need feel any scruple in the illegal transactions of the late of conscience on account of the late reign not only walked the streets in revolution in England, that for the safety, but offered themselves as candi- danger to which the members of the dates for seats in the Convention. Mul- true Church were exposed James alone grave was received not ungraciously at was responsible, and that William alone Saint James's. Feversham was released had saved them from a sanguinary perfrom arrest, and was permitted to re- secution.* sume the only office for which he was qualified, that of keeping the bank at the Queen Dowager's basset table. But no body of men had so much reason to feel grateful to William as the Roman Catholics. It would not have been safe to rescind formally the severe resolutions which the Peers had passed against the professors of a religion generally abhorred by the nation: but, by the prudence and humanity of the Prince, those resolutions were practically annulled. On his line of march from Torbay to London, he had given orders that no outrage should be committed on the persons or dwellings of Papists. He now renewed those orders, and directed Burnet to see that they were strictly obeyed. A better choice could not have been made; for Burnet was a man of such generosity and good nature, that his heart always warmed towards the unhappy; and at the same

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Roman

There was, therefore, little alloy to the satisfaction with which the Satisfacprinces of the House of Austria tion of and the Sovereign Pontiff Catholic learned that the long vassalage powers. of England was at an end. When it was known at Madrid that William was in the full career of success, a single voice in the Spanish Council of State faintly expressed regret that an event which, in a political point of view, was most auspicious, should be prejudicial to the interests of the true Church. But the tolerant policy of

8

Burnet, i. 802.; Ronquillo, Jan. ., Feb. 18. 1689. The originals of these despatches late Lady Holland and of the present Lord were entrusted to me by the kindness of the Holland. From the latter despatch I will quote a very few words: "La tema de S. M. Britanica á seguir imprudentes consejos perdió á los Catolicos aquella quietud en dexó Carlos segundo. V. E. asegure á su Santidad que mas sacaré del Principe para los Catolicos que pudiera sacar del Rey."

13

que les

† On December 13. 1688, the Admiral of Castile gave his opinion thus: "Esta materia es de calidad que no puede dexar de padecer nuestra sagrada religion ó el servicio de V. M.; porque, sí el Principe de Orange tiene buenos succesos, nos aseguraremos de Franceses, pero peligrará la religion." The Council was much

P

the Prince soon quieted all scruples, and his elevation was seen with scarcely less satisfaction by the bigoted Grandees of Castile than by the English Whigs.

State of

on the support or neutrality of England. He had now nothing to expect from her but energetic and pertinacious hostility. A few weeks earlier he might not unreasonably have hoped to subju With very different feelings had the gate Flanders and to give law to news of this great revolution Germany. At present he might think feeling in been received in France. The himself fortunate if he should be able France. politics of a long, eventful, and to defend his own frontiers against a glorious reign had been confounded in confederacy such as Europe had not a day. England was again the England seen during many ages. From this of Elizabeth and of Cromwell; and all position, so new, so embarrassing, so the relations of all the states of Chris- alarming, nothing but a counterrevolutendom were completely changed by tion or a civil war in the British the sudden introduction of this new Islands could extricate him. He was power into the system. The Parisians therefore impelled by ambition and by could talk of nothing but what was fear to espouse the cause of the fallen passing in London. National and re- dynasty. And it is but just to say ligious feeling impelled them to take that motives nobler than ambition or the part of James. They knew nothing fear had a large share in determining of the English constitution. They his course. His heart was naturally abominated the English Church. Our compassionate; and this was an occarevolution appeared to them, not as the triumph of public liberty over despotism, but as a frightful domestic tragedy in which a venerable and pious Servius was hurled from his throne by a Tarquin, and crushed under the chariot wheels of a Tullia. They cried shame on the traitorous captains, execrated the unnatural daughters, and regarded William with a mortal loathing, tempered, however, by the respect which valour, capacity, and success seldom fail to inspire.* The Queen, exposed to the night wind and rain, with the infant heir of three crowns clasped to her breast, the King stopped, robbed, and outraged by ruffians, were objects of pity and of romantic interest to all France. But Lewis saw with peculiar emotion the calamities of the House of Stuart. All the selfish and all the generous parts of his nature were moved alike. After many years of prosperity he had at length met with a great check. He had reckoned pleased on February 16. by a letter of the Prince, in which he promised "que los Catolicos que se portaren con prudencia no sean molestados, y gocen libertad de conciencia, por ser contra su dictamen el forzar ni castigar

por esta razon á nadie.'

*In the chapter of La Bruyère, entitled "Sur les Jugemens," is a passage which deserves to be read, as showing in what light our revolution appeared to a Frenchman of distinguished abilities.

sion which could not fail to call forth all his compassion. His situation had prevented his good feelings from fully developing themselves. Sympathy is rarely strong where there is a great inequality of condition; and he was raised so high above the mass of his fellow creatures that their distresses excited in him only a languid pity, such as that with which we regard the sufferings of the inferior animals, of a famished redbreast or of an overdriven posthorse. The devastation of the Palatinate and the persecution of the Huguenots had therefore given him no uneasiness which pride and bigotry could not effectually sooth. But all the tenderness of which he was capable was called forth by the misery of a great King who had a few weeks ago been served on the knee by Lords, and who was now a destitute exile. With that tenderness was mingled, in the soul of Lewis, a not ignoble vanity. He would exhibit to the world a pattern of munificence and courtesy. He would show mankind what ought to be the bearing of a perfect gentleman in the highest station and on the greates occasion; and, in truth, his conduct was marked by a chivalrous generosity and urbanity, such as had not embellished the annals of Europe since the Black Prince had stood behind the

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