minister was alone sufficient to prove that his master's folly and perverseness were incurable. No member of either House ventured to propose that a paper which came from such a quarter should be read. The contents, however, were well known to all the town. His Majesty exhorted the Lords and Commons not to despair of his clemency, and graciously assured them that he would pardon those who had betrayed him, some few excepted, whom he did not name. How was it possible to do anything for a prince who, vanquished, deserted, banished, living on alms, told those who were the arbiters of his fate that, if they would set him on his throne again, he would hang only a few of them? * Debates. the Peers that he was charged with a petition requesting them instantly to declare the Prince and Princess of Orange King and Queen. He was asked by whom the petition was signed. "There are no hands to it yet," he answered; "but, when I bring it here next, there shall be hands enough." This menace alarmed and disgusted his own party. The leading Whigs were, in truth, even more anxious than the Tories that the deliberations of the Convention should be perfectly free, and that it should not be in the power of any adherent of James to allege that either House had acted under force. A petition, similar to that which had been entrusted to Lovelace, was brought into the House of Commons, but was contemptuously rejected. Maynard was foremost in protesting against the attempt of the rabble in the streets to overawe the Estates of the Realm. William sent for Lovelace, expostulated with him strongly, and ordered the magistrates to act with vigour against all unlawful assemblies. Nothing in the history of our revolution is more deserving of admiration and of imitation than the manner in which the two parties in the Convention, at the very moment at which their disputes ran highest, joined like one man to resist the dictation of the mob of the capital. But, though the Whigs were fully Letter of determined to maintain order the Con- and to respect the freedom of vention. debate, they were equally determined to make no concession. On Saturday, the second of February, the At the same time strenuous efforts Commons, without a division, resolved were making without the walls of Parto adhere to their resolution as it ori-liament to bring the dispute between ginally stood. James, as usual, came to the help of his enemies. A letter from him to the Convention had just arrived in London. It had been transmitted to Preston by the apostate Melfort, who was now high in favour at Saint Germains. The name of Melfort was an abomination to every ChurchThat he was still a confidential James to man. * Van Citters, Feb. 1689; Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 2. The story is greatly exaggerated in the work entitled Revolution Politics, an eminently absurd book, yet of some value as a record of the foolish reports of the day. Grey's Debates. The contest between the two branches of the legislature lasted some days longer. On Monday, the fourth of February, the Peers resolved that they would insist on their amendments: but a protest to which thirty nine names were subscribed was entered on the journals. On the following day the Tories determined Negotia to try their strength in the tions. Lower House. They mustered there in great force. A motion was made to agree to the amendments of the Lords. Those who were for the plan of Sancroft and those who were for the plan of Danby divided together; but they were beaten by two hundred and eighty two votes to a hundred and fifty one. The House then resolved to request a free conference with the Lords.t *The letter of James, dated Jan. 24. will be found in Kennet. It is most disinFeb. 3. 1689, genuously garbled in his Life. See Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 2. 4.; Grey's Debates; Lords' Journals, Feb. 2. 4. 1688. and, among others, by Ralph and by M. Mazure, that Danby signed this protest. This is a mistake. Probably some person who examined the journals before they were printed mistook Derby for Danby. Lords' Journals, Feb. 4. 1688. Evelyn, a few days before, wrote Derby, by mistake, for Danby. Diary, Jan. 29. 1688. It has been asserted by several writers, + Commons' Journals, Feb. 5. 1688. Letter of the Princess the two branches of the legislature to | he was not likely to gain anything by a close. Burnet thought that the sacrifice of his principles, and dethe importance of the crisis termined to take them back again. In December ambition had converted him into a rebel. In January disappointment reconverted him into a Royalist The uneasy consciousness that he had not been a consistent Tory gave a peculiar acrimony to his Toryism.* In the House of Lords he had done all in his power to prevent a settlement. He now exerted, for the same end, all his his influence over her was small indeed when compared with that of the Churchills, who wisely called to their help two powerful allies, Tillotson, who, as a spiritual director, had, at that time, immense authority, and Lady Russell, whose noble and gentle virtues, proved by the most cruel of all trials, had gained for her the reputation of a saint. The Princess of Denmark, it was soon known, was willing that William should reign for life; and it was evident that to defend the cause of the daughters of James against themselves was a hopeless task.† of Orange justified him in publishing the to Danby. great secret which the Princess had confided to him. He knew, he said, from her own lips, that it had long been her full determination, even if she came to the throne in the regular course of descent, to surrender her power, with the sanction of Parliament, into the hands of her husband. Danby received from her an earnest, and al-influence over the Princess Anne. But most angry, reprimand. She was, she wrote, the Prince's wife; she had no other wish than to be subject to him: the most cruel injury that could be done to her would be to set her up as his competitor; and she never could regard any person who took such a course as her true friend.* The Tories had still one hope. Anne might insist on her own rights, and on those of her children. No effort was spared to stimulate her ambition, and to alarm her conscience. Her uncle Clarendon was especially active. A few weeks only had elapsed since the hope of wealth and And now William thought that the greatness had impelled him to belie the time had come when he ought William boastful professions of his whole life, to explain himself. He accord- explains to desert the royal cause, to join with ingly sent for Halifax, Danby, the Wildmans and Fergusons, nay, to Shrewsbury, and some other political propose that the King should be sent a leaders of great note, and with that air prisoner to a foreign land and immured of stoical apathy under which he had, in a fortress begirt by pestilential from a boy, been in the habit of conmarshes. The lure which had pro- cealing his strongest emotions, addressed duced this strange transformation was to them a few deeply meditated and the Viceroyalty of Ireland. Soon, how-weighty words. The Princess Anne acquiesces in the Whig plan. his views. ever, it appeared that the proselyte had He had hitherto, he said, remained little chance of obtaining the splendid silent: he had used neither solicitation prize on which his heart was set. He nor menace: he had not even suffered found that others were consulted on a hint of his opinions or wishes to get Irish affairs. His advice was never abroad: but a crisis had now arrived asked, and, when obtrusively and im- at which it was necessary for him to portunately offered, was coldly received. declare his intentions. He had no right He repaired many times to Saint and no wish to dictate to the ConJames's Palace, but could scarcely ob-vention. All that he claimed was the tain a word or a look. One day the privilege of declining any office which Prince was writing: another day he he felt that he could not hold with wanted fresh air and must ride in the Park on a third he was closeted with officers on military business and could see nobody. Clarendon saw that * Burnet, i. 819. * Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 1. 4. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. 1683; Burnet, i. 807. † Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 5. 1688; Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution. honour to himself and with benefit to be only Queen Consort and a subject. the public. A strong party was for a Regency. It was for the Houses to determine whether such an arrangement would be for the interest of the nation. He had a decided opinion on that point; and he thought it right to say distinctly that he would not be Regent. But this arrangement, though much might doubtless be said for it in argument, shocked the general feeling even of those Englishmen who were most attached to the Prince. His wife had given an unprecedented proof of conjugal submission and affection; and the very least return that could be made Another party was for placing the to her would be to bestow on her the Princess on the throne, and for giving dignity of Queen Regnant. William to him, during her life, the title of Harbord, one of the most zealous of the King, and such a share in the adminis- Prince's adherents, was so much exastration as she might be pleased to allow perated that he sprang out of the bed him. He could not stoop to such a post. to which he was confined by gout, and He esteemed the Princess as much as vehemently declared that he never would it was possible for man to esteem wo- have drawn a sword in His Highness's man: but not even from her would he cause if he had foreseen that so shameaccept a subordinate and a precarious ful an arrangement would be made. No place in the government. He was so person took the matter up so eagerly as made that he could not submit to be Burnet. His blood boiled at the wrong tied to the apron strings even of the done to his kind patroness. He exposbest of wives. He did not desire to tulated vehemently with Bentinck, and take any part in English affairs; but, begged to be permitted to resign the if he did consent to take a part, there chaplainship. "While I am His Highwas one part only which he could use-ness's servant," said the brave and honest fully or honourably take. If the Estates divine, "it would be unseemly in me to offered him the crown for life, he would oppose any plan which may have his accept it. If not, he should, without repining, return to his native country. He concluded by saying that he thought it reasonable that the Lady Anne and her posterity should be preferred in the succession to any children whom he might have by any other wife than the Lady Mary.* countenance. I therefore desire to be set free, that I may fight the Princess's battle with every faculty that God has given me." Bentinck prevailed on Burnet to defer an open declaration of hostilities till William's resolution should be distinctly known. In a few hours the scheme which had excited so The meeting broke up; and what much resentment was entirely given up; the Prince had said was in a few hours and all those who considered James as known all over London. That he must no longer King were agreed as to the be King was now clear. The only way in which the throne must be filled. question was whether he should hold William and Mary must be King and the regal dignity alone or conjointly Queen. The heads of both must appear with the Princess. Halifax and a few other politicians, who saw in a strong light the danger of dividing the supreme executive authority, thought it desirable that, during William's life, Mary should * Burnet, i. 820. Burnet says that he has not related the events of this stirring time in chronological order. I have therefore been forced to arrange them by guess; but I think that I can scarcely be wrong in supposing that the letter of the Princess of Orange to Danby arrived, and that the Prince's explanation of his views was given, between Thursday the 31st of January, and Wednesday the 6th of February. together on the coin: writs must run in the names of both both must enjoy all the personal dignities and immunities of royalty: but the administration, which could not be safely divided, must belong to William alone.* members of the House of Commons on | of the Peers who had formerly voted the other side was so great that the for a Regency had determined to absent gentlemen who were to argue the ques-themselves or to support the resolution tion in vain tried to get through. It of the Lower House. Their opinion, was not without much difficulty and they said, was unchanged: but any long delay that the Serjeant at Arms government was better than no governwas able to clear a passage.* ment; and the country could not bear At length the discussion began. A a prolongation of this agony of suspense. full report of the speeches on both sides Even Nottingham, who, in the Painted has come down to us. There are few Chamber, had taken the lead against students of history who have not taken the Commons, declared that, though up that report with eager curiosity and his own conscience would not suffer laid it down with disappointment. The him to give way, he was glad that the question between the Houses was argued consciences of other men were less on both sides as a question of law. The squeamish. Several Lords who had objections which the Lords made to the not yet voted in the Convention had resolution of the Commons were verbal been induced to attend; Lord Lexingand technical, and were met by verbal ton, who had just hurried over from and technical answers. Somers vindi- the Continent; the Earl of Lincoln, cated the use of the word abdication who was half mad; the Earl of Carlisle, by quotations from Grotius and Bris- who limped in on crutches; and the sonius, Spigelius and Bartolus. When Bishop of Durham, who had been in he was challenged to show any autho-hiding and had intended to fly beyond rity for the proposition that England sea, but had received an intimation could be without a sovereign, he pro- that, if he would vote for the settling duced the Parliament roll of the year of the government, his conduct in the 1399, in which it was expressly set forth Ecclesiastical Commission should not that the kingly office was vacant during be remembered against him. Danby, the interval between the resignation of desirous to heal the schism which he Richard the Second and the enthron- had caused, exhorted the House, in a ing of Henry the Fourth. The Lords speech distinguished by even more than replied by producing the Parliament his usual ability, not to persevere in a roll of the first year of Edward the contest which might be fatal to the Fourth, from which it appeared that state. He was strenuously supported the record of 1399 had been solemnly by Halifax. The spirit of the The Lords annulled. They therefore maintained opposite party was quelled. yield. that the precedent on which Somers When the question was put whether relied was no longer valid. Treby then King James had abdicated the gocame to Somers's assistance, and laid vernment, only three Lords said Not on the table the Parliament roll of the Content. On the question whether the first year of Henry the Seventh, which throne was vacant, a division was derepealed the act of Edward the Fourth, manded. The Contents were sixty two; and consequently restored the validity the Not Contents forty seven. It was of the record of 1399. After a colloquy immediately proposed and carried, withof several hours the disputants sepa-out a division, that the Prince and rated.† The Lords assembled in their Princess of Orange should be declared own house. It was well understood King and Queen of England.* that they were about to yield, and that the conference had been a mere form. The friends of Mary had found that, by setting her up as her husband's rival, they had deeply displeased her. Some Nottingham then moved that the wording of the oaths of allegiance and supremacy should be altered in such a * Lords' Journals, February 6. 1688; Clarendon's Diary; Burnet, i. 822. and Dart mouth's note; Van Citters, February I have followed Clarendon as to the numbers. Some writers make the majority smaller and some larger. New laws for the way that they might be conscientiously trials for high treason should be taken by persons who, like himself, conducted in a manner more favourable disapproved of what the Convention to innocence; that the Judges should had done, and yet fully purposed to be hold their places for life; that the mode loyal and dutiful subjects of the new of appointing Sheriffs should be altered; sovereigns. To his proposition no that juries should be nominated in such objection was made. Indeed there can a way as might exclude partiality and be little doubt that there was an under-corruption; that the practice of filing standing on this subject between the criminal informations in the King's Whig leaders and those Tory Lords Bench should be abolished; that the whose votes had turned the scale on Court of Chancery should be reformed; the last division. The new oaths were that the fees of public functionaries sent down to the Commons, together should be regulated; and that the law with the resolution that the Prince and of Quo Warranto should be amended. Princess should be declared King and It was evident that cautious and deliQueen.* berate legislation on these subjects must It was now known to whom the be the work of more than one laborious crown would be given. On session; and it was equally evident that proposed what conditions it should be hasty and crude legislation on subjects security of given, still remained to be de- so grave could not but produce new liberty. cided. The Commons had grievances, worse than those which it appointed a committee to consider what might remove. If the committee meant steps it might be advisable to take, in to give a list of the reforms which ought order to secure law and liberty against to be accomplished before the throne the aggressions of future sovereigns; was filled, the list was absurdly long. and the committee had made a report. If, on the other hand, the committee This report recommended, first, that meant to give a list of all the reforms those great principles of the constitu-which the legislature would do well to tion which had been violated by the make in proper season, the list was dethroned King should be solemnly strangely imperfect. Indeed, as soon asserted, and, secondly, that many new as the report had been read, member laws should be enacted, for the pur- after member rose to suggest some pose of curbing the prerogative and addition. It was moved and carried purifying the administration of justice. that the selling of offices should be Most of the suggestions of the com- prohibited, that the Habeas Corpus Act mittee were excellent; but it was should be made more efficient, and that utterly impossible that the Houses the law of Mandamus should be revised. could, in a month, or even in a year, One gentleman fell on the chimneymen, deal properly with matters so numerous, another on the excisemen; and the so various, and so important. It was House resolved that the malpractices proposed, among other things, that of both chimneymen and excisemen the militia should be remodelled; that should be restrained. It is a most the power which the sovereign possessed remarkable circumstance that, while of proroguing and dissolving Parlia- the whole political, military, judicial, ments should be restricted; that the and fiscal system of the kingdom was duration of Parliaments should be thus passed in review, not a single limited; that the royal pardon should representative of the people proposed no longer be pleadable to a parlia- the repeal of the statute which submentary impeachment; that toleration jected the press to a censorship. It was should be granted to Protestant Dis- not yet understood, even by the most senters; that the crime of high treason enlightened men, that the liberty of should be more precisely defined; that discussion is the chief safeguard of all *Lords' Journals, Feb. 6, 7. 1688; Clarendon's Diary. + Commons' Journals, Jan. 29., Feb. 2. 1688. other liberties.* The House was greatly perplexed. * Commons' Journals, Feb. 2. 1685 |