shrank from no sacrifice and from no danger. It was about him that William uttered those memorable words: "He has set his heart on being a martyr; and I have set mine on disappointing him." But James was more cruel to friends than William to foes. Dodwell was a Protestant: he had some property in Connaught: these crimes were sufficient; and he was set down in the long roll of those who were doomed to the gallows and the quartering block.*

he was to be hanged, drawn, and With such reckless barbarity was quartered without a trial, and his pro- the list framed that fanatical royalists, perty was to be confiscated. It might who were, at that very time, hazarding be physically impossible for him to their property, their liberty, their lives, deliver himself up within the time in the cause of James, were not secure fixed by the Act. He might be bed- from proscription. The most learned ridden. He might be in the West man of whom the Jacobite party could Indies. He might be in prison. In- boast was Henry Dodwell, Camdenian deed there notoriously were such cases. Professor in the University of Oxford. Among the attainted Lords was Mount-In the cause of hereditary monarchy he joy. He had been induced, by the villany of Tyrconnel, to trust himself at Saint Germains: he had been thrown into the Bastile: he was still lying there; and the Irish Parliament was not ashamed to enact that, unless he could, within a few weeks, make his escape from his cell, and present himself at Dublin, he should be put to death.* As it was not even pretended that there had been any inquiry into the guilt of those who were thus proscribed, as not a single one among them had been heard in his own defence, and as it was certain that it would be physically impossible for many of them to surrender themselves in time, it was clear that nothing but a large exercise of the royal prerogative of mercy could prevent the perpetration of iniquities so horrible that no precedent could be found for them even in the lamentable history of the troubles of Ireland. The Commons therefore determined that the royal prerogative of mercy should be limited. Several regulations were devised for the purpose of making the passing of pardons difficult and costly; and finally it was enacted that every pardon granted by His Majesty, after the end of November 1689, to any of the many hundreds of persons who had been sentenced to death without a trial, should be absolutely void and of none effect. Sir Richard Nagle came in state to the bar of the Lords and presented the bill with a speech worthy of the occasion. "Many of the persons here attainted," said he, "have been proved traitors by such evidence as satisfies us. As to the rest we have followed common fame."

That James would give his assent to a bill which took from him the power of pardoning, seemed to many persons impossible. He had, four years before, quarrelled with the most loyal of parliaments rather than cede a prerogative which did not belong to him. It might, therefore, well be expected that he would now have struggled hard to retain a precious prerogative which had been enjoyed by his predecessors ever since the origin of the monarchy, and which even the Whigs allowed to be a flower properly belonging to the Crown. The stern look and raised voice with which he had reprimanded the Tory gentlemen, who, in the language of profound reverence and fervent affection, implored him not to dispense with the laws, would now have been in place. He might also have seen that the right course was the wise course. Had he, on this great occasion, had the spirit to declare that he would not shed the blood of the innocent, and that, even as respected the guilty, he would not divest himself of the power of temper

30. in that edition of the List which was * His name is in the first column of page

licensed March 26. 1690. I should have thought that the proscribed person must have been some other Henry Dodwell. But Bishop Kennet's second letter to the Bishop of Carlisle, 1716, leaves no doubt about the

matter.

Protest

ing judgment with mercy, he would all sects, a persecution as cruel as that of have regained more hearts in England Languedoc was raging through Persecu than he would have lost in Ireland. But it was ever his fate to resist where he should have yielded, and to yield where he should have resisted. most wicked of all laws received his sanction; and it is but a very small extenuation of his guilt that his sanction was somewhat reluctantly given.

That nothing might be wanting to the completeness of this great crime, extreme care was taken to prevent the persons who were attainted, from knowing that they were attainted, till the day of grace fixed in the Act was passed. The roll of names was not published, but kept carefully locked up in Fitton's closet. Some Protestants, who still adhered to the cause of James, but who were anxious to know whether any of their friends or relations had been proscribed, tried hard to obtain a sight of the list; but solicitation, remonstrance, even bribery, proved vain. Not a single copy got abroad till it was too late for any of the thousands who had been condemned without a trial to obtain a pardon.*

all the provinces which owned tion of the his authority. It was said ants in by those who wished to find Ireland. The an excuse for him that almost all the Protestants, who still remained in Munster, Connaught, and Leinster, were his enemies, and that it was not as schismatics, but as rebels in heart, who wanted only opportunity to become rebels in act, that he gave them up to be oppressed and despoiled; and to this excuse some weight might have been allowed if he had strenuously exerted himself to protect those few colonists, who, though firmly attached to the reformed religion, were still true to the doctrines of nonresistance and of indefeasible hereditary right. But even these devoted royalists found that their heresy was in his view a crime for which no services or sacrifices would atone. Three or four noblemen, members of the Anglican Church, who had welcomed him to Ireland, and had sate in his Parliament, represented to him that, if the rule which forbade any Protestant to possess any weapon were strictly enforced, their country houses would be at the mercy of the Rapparees, and obtained from him permission to keep arms sufficient for a few servants. But Avaux remonstrated. The indulgence, he said, was grossly abused: these Protestant lords were not to be trusted: they were turning their houses into fortresses: His Majesty would soon have reason to repent his goodness. These representations prevailed; and Roman Catholic troops were quartered in the suspected dwellings.*

Towards the close of July James James prorogued the Houses. They prorogues had sate more than ten weeks; his parliament. and in that space of time they had proved most fully that, great as have been the evils which Protestant ascendency has produced in Ireland, the evils produced by Popish ascendency would have been greater still. That the colonists, when they had won the victory, grossly abused it, that their legislation was, during many years, unjust and tyrannical, is most true. But it is not less true that they never quite came up to the atrocious example set by their vanquished enemy during his short tenure of power.

Indeed, while James was loudly boasting that he had passed an Act granting entire liberty of conscience to * A list of most of the Names of the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty of England and Ireland (amongst whom are several Women and Children) who are all, by an Act of a Pretended Parliament assembled in Dublin, attainted of High Treason, 1690; An Account of the Transactions of the late King James in Ireland, 1690; King, iii. 13.; Memoirs of Ireland, 1716.

Still harder was the lot of those Protestant clergymen who continued to cling, with desperate fidelity, to the cause of the Lord's Anointed. Of all the Anglican divines the one who had the largest share of James's good graces seems to have been Cartwright. Whether Cartwright could long have continued to be a favourite without being an apostate may be doubted. He died a few weeks after his arrival in Ireland; and thenceforward his church had no

July 27. 1689. *Avaux, Aug. 6.

Nevertheless | ligion had often been strengthened by persecution, but could never be strengthened by rebellion; that it would be a glorious day for the Church of England when a whole cartload of her ministers should go to the gallows for the doctrine of nonresistance; and that his highest ambition was to be one of such a company.* It is not improbable that, when he spoke thus, he felt as he spoke. But his principles, though they might perhaps have held out against the severities and the promises of William, were not proof against the ingratitude of James. Human nature at last asserted its rights. After King had been repeatedly imprisoned by the government to which he was devotedly attached, after he had been insulted and threatened in his own choir by the soldiers, after he had been interdicted from burying in his own churchyard and from preaching in his own pulpit, after he had narrowly escaped with life from a musketshot fired at him in the street, he began to think the Whig theory of government less unreasonable and unchristian than it had once appeared to him, and persuaded himself that the oppressed Church might lawfully accept deliverance, if God should be pleased, by whatever means, to send it to her.

one to plead her cause.
a few of her prelates and priests con-
tinued for a time to teach what they
had taught in the days of the Exclu-
sion Bill. But it was at the peril of
life and limb that they exercised their
functions. Every wearer of a cassock
was a mark for the insults and outrages
of soldiers and Rapparees.
In the
country his house was robbed, and he
was fortunate if it was not burned over
his head. He was hunted through the
streets of Dublin with cries of "There
goes the devil of a heretic." Some
times he was knocked down: sometimes
he was cudgelled.* The rulers of the
University of Dublin, trained in the
Anglican doctrine of passive obedience,
had greeted James on his first arrival
at the Castle, and had been assured by
him that he would protect them in the
enjoyment of their property and their
privileges. They were now, without
any trial, without any accusation, thrust
out of their house. The communion
plate of the chapel, the books in the
library, the
very chairs and beds of the
collegians were seized. Part of the
building was turned into a magazine,
part into a barrack, part into a prison.
Simon Luttrell, who was Governor of
the capital, was, with great difficulty
and by powerful intercession, induced
to let the ejected fellows and scholars
depart in safety. He at length per-
mitted them to remain at large, with
this condition, that, on pain of death,
no three of them should meet together.†
No Protestant divine suffered more
hardships than Doctor William King,
Dean of Saint Patrick's. He had been
long distinguished by the fervour with
which he had inculcated the duty of
passively obeying even the worst rulers.
At a later period, when he had pub-
lished a defence of the Revolution, and
had accepted a mitre from the new
government, he was reminded that he
had invoked the divine vengeance on
the usurpers, and had declared himself
willing to die a hundred deaths rather
than desert the cause of hereditary
right. He had said that the true re-

* King's State of the Protestants in Ireland,

iii. 19.

† Ibid. iii. 15.

Effect pro

Ireland.

In no long time it appeared that James would have done well to hearken to those counsellors duced in who had told him that the acts England by which he was trying to make news from himself popular in one of his three kingdoms, would make him odious in the others. It was in some sense fortunate for England that, after he had ceased to reign here, he continued during more than a year to reign in Ireland. The Revolution had been followed by a reaction of public feeling in his favour. That reaction, if it had been suffered to proceed uninterrupted, might perhaps not have ceased till he was again King: but it was violently interrupted by himself. He would not suffer his people to forget: he would not suffer them to hope: while they were trying to find excuses for his past errors, and to persuade themselves that *Leslie's Answer to King.

he would not repeat those errors, he Among those who bore a part in this forced upon them, in their own despite, work of mercy, none contributed more the conviction that he was incorrigible, largely or less ostentatiously than the that the sharpest discipline of adver- Queen. The House of Commons placed sity had taught him nothing, and that, at the King's disposal fifteen thousand if they were weak enough to recall pounds for the relief of those refugees him, they would soon have to depose whose wants were most pressing, and rehim again. It was in vain that the quested him to give commissions in the Jacobites put forth pamphlets about the army to those who were qualified for cruelty with which he had been treated military employment.* An Act was by those who were nearest to him in also passed enabling beneficed clergyblood, about the imperious temper and men who had fled from Ireland to hold uncourteous manners of William, about preferment in England.† Yet the inthe favour shown to the Dutch, about terest which the nation felt in these the heavy taxes, about the suspension unfortunate guests was languid when of the Habeas Corpus Act, about the compared with the interest excited by dangers which threatened the Church that portion of the Saxon colony which from the enmity of Puritans and Lati- still maintained in Ulster a desperate tudinarians. James refuted these pam-conflict against overwhelming odds. On phlets far more effectually than all the this subject scarcely one dissentient ablest and most eloquent Whig writers voice was to be heard in our island. united could have done. Every week came the news that he had passed some new Act for robbing or murdering Protestants. Every colonist who succeeded in stealing across the sea from Leinster to Holyhead or Bristol, brought fearful reports of the tyranny under which his brethren groaned. What impression these reports made on the Protestants of our island may be easily inferred from the fact that they moved the indignation of Ronquillo, a Spaniard and a bigoted member of the Church of Rome. He informed his Court that, though the English laws against Popery might seem severe, they were so much mitigated by the prudence and humanity of the Government, that they caused no annoyance to quiet people; and he took upon himself to assure the Holy See that what a Roman Catholic suffered in London was nothing when compared with what a Protestant suffered in Ireland.*

Whigs, Tories, nay even those Jacobites
in whom Jacobitism had not extin-
guished every patriotic sentiment,
gloried in the glory of Enniskillen and
Londonderry. The House of Commons
was all of one mind. "This is no time
to be counting cost," said honest Birch,
who well remembered the way in which
Oliver had made war on the Irish.
"Are those brave fellows in London-
derry to be deserted? If we lose them
will not all the world cry shame upon
us? A boom across the river! Why
have we not cut the boom in pieces?
Are our brethren to perish almost in
sight of England, within a few hours'
voyage of our shores ?" Howe, the
most vehement man of one party, de-
clared that the hearts of the people
were set on Ireland. Seymour, the
leader of the other party, declared that,
though he had not taken part in setting
up the new government, he should
cordially support it in all that might
be necessary for the preservation of
Ireland.§ The Commons appointed a
committee to inquire into the cause of
the delays and miscarriages which had
been all but fatal to the Englishry of
Ulster. The officers to whose treachery
or cowardice the public ascribed the

* Commons' Journals, June 15. 1689.
+ Stat. 1 W. & M. sess. 1. c. 29.
Grey's Debates, June 19. 1689.
§ Ibid. June 22. 1689.

calamities of Londonderry were put | reputed the strongest in that part of under arrest. Lundy was sent to the the kingdom, and carried off the pikes Tower, Cunningham to the Gate House. and muskets of the garrison. The next The agitation of the public mind was incursion was into Meath. Three thouin some degree calmed by the announce- sand oxen and two thousand sheep were ment that, before the end of summer, swept away and brought safe to the an army powerful enough to reestablish little island in Lough Erne. These the English ascendency in Ireland daring exploits spread terror even to the would be sent across Saint George's gates of Dublin. Colonel Hugh SutherChannel, and that Schomberg would be land was ordered to march against the General. In the meantime an ex- Enniskillen with a regiment of dragoons pedition which was thought to be suffi-and two regiments of foot. He carried cient for the relief of Londonderry was despatched from Liverpool under the command of Kirke. The dogged obstinacy with which this man had, in spite of royal solicitations, adhered to his religion, and the part which he had taken in the Revolution, had perhaps entitled him to an amnesty for past crimes. But it is difficult to understand why the Government should have selected for a post of the highest importance an officer who was generally and justly hated, who had never shown eminent talents for war, and who, both in Africa and in England, had notoriously tolerated among his soldiers a licentiousness, not only shocking to humanity, but also incompatible with discipline.

on

On the sixteenth of May, Kirke's Actions of troops embarked: the the Ennis- twenty-second they sailed: but killeners. contrary winds made the passage slow, and forced the armament to stop long at the Isle of Man. Meanwhile the Protestants of Ulster were defending themselves with stubborn courage against a great superiority of force. The Enniskilleners had never ceased to wage a vigorous partisan war against the native population. Early in May they marched to encounter a large body of troops from Connaught, who had made an inroad into Donegal. The Irish were speedily routed, and fled to Sligo with the loss of a hundred and twenty men killed and sixty taken. Two small pieces of artillery and several horses fell into the hands of the conquerors. Elated by this success, the Enniskilleners soon invaded the county of Cavan, drove before them fifteen hundred of James's troops, took and destroyed the castle of Ballincarrig,

with him arms for the native peasantry; and many repaired to his standard. The Enniskilleners did not wait till he came into their neighbourhood, but advanced to encounter him. He declined an action, and retreated, leaving his stores at Belturbet under the care of a detachment of three hundred soldiers. The Protestants attacked Belturbet with vigour, made their way into a lofty house which overlooked the town, and thence opened such a fire that in two hours the garrison surrendered. Seven hundred muskets, a great quantity of powder, many horses, many sacks of biscuits, many barrels of meal, were taken, and were sent to Enniskillen. The boats which brought these precious spoils were joyfully welcomed. The fear of hunger was removed. While the aboriginal popula tion had, in many counties, altogether neglected the cultivation of the earth, in the expectation, it should seem, that marauding would prove an inexhaustible resource, the colonists, true to the provident and industrious character of their race, had, in the midst of war, not omitted carefully to till the soil in the neighbourhood of their strongholds. The harvest was now not far remote; and, till the harvest, the food taken from the enemy would be amply sufficient.*

Yet, in the midst of success and plenty, the Enniskilleners were Distress of tortured by a cruel anxiety for LondonLondonderry. They were bound to the defenders of that city, not only by religious and national sympathy,

derry.

*Hamilton's True Relation; Mac Cormick's Avaux says, "On n'attend rien de cette recolte Further Account. Of the island generally, cy, les paysans ayant presque tous pris les armes."-Letter to Louvois, March 19. 1689.