void of virtue, truth, and fincerity; the foundation of all good government, and only firm bond of human fociety. Whoever denies me this, muft at the fame time fay, that virtue is lefs neceffary to govern, ment than opinion, and that the moft vitiated men, profeffing but Cæfar's religion, are the best fubjects to Cæfar's authority; confequently, that other men, living ever so honestly and industriously, and having else as good a claim to civil protection and preferment, fhall, merely for their diffent from that religion, (a thing they cannot help, for "Faith is the gift of

God,") be reputed the worst of evil-doers; which is followed with expofing their names to obloquy, their eftates to ruin, and their perfons to gaols, exiles, and abundance of other cruelties. What is this, but to confound the things of Cafar with the things of God, divine worship with civil obedience, the church with the ftate, and perplex human focieties with endlefs debates about religious differences? Nay, is not this to erect new measures to try the members of worldly focieties by, and give an acceffion to another power, than that which is neceffary to the constitution of civil government? But that which ought to deter wife rulers from affuming and exercifing fuch an au thority, is the confideration of the pernicious confe quences of doing fo. For,

I. It makes property, which is the first and most fixed part of English government, floating and uncertain; for, it seems, no conformity to the church, no property in the ftate: and, doubtless, the infecurity of property can be no fecurity to the government: pray think of that.

II. It makes me owe more to the church than to the ftate for in this cafe, the anchor I ride by, is not my obedience to the laws relating to the prefervation of civil fociety, but conformity to certain things belonging to the doctrine and difcipline of the church: fo that though I may be an honeft, industrious Englishman, a great lover of my country, and an admirer

of

of the government I live under, yet if I refufe to profefs the religion that either now is, or hereafter may be impofed, be it ever so falfe, that is all one, I must neither enjoy the liberty of my perfon nor the, quiet poffeffion of my eftate.

III. This not only alters the government, by facrificing mens properties for that which cannot be called a fin against property, nor an offence to the nature of civil government, if any tranfgreffion at all; but it narrows the intereft and power of the governors: for look what number they cut off from their protection, they cut off from themselves and the government; not only rendering thereby a great body of people useless, but provoking them to be dangerous: to be fure it clogs the civil magiftrate in his administration of government, making that neceffary which is not at all neceffary to him as Cæfar.

It is a fort of duumvirateship in power, by which the civil monarchy is broken: for as that was a plurality of men, so this is a plurality of powers. And, to speak freely, the civil power is made to act the lacquey, to run of all the unpleafant errands the froward zeal of the other fends it upon; and the best preferment it receives for its pains, is to be informer, conftable, or hangman to fome of the best livers, and therefore the beft fubjects, in the kingdom.

O! What greater injuftice to Cæfar, than to make his government vary by fuch modes of religion; and oblige him to hold his obedience from his people, not fo much by their conformity to him, as to the church; a mere relative of the other world.

IV. This is fo far from resembling the universal goodness of God, who difpenfes his light, air, showers, and comfortable seasons to all, and whom Cæfar ought always to imitate, and fo remote from increafing the trade, populoufnefs, and wealth of this kingdom, as that it evidently tends to the utter ruin of thoufands of traders, artificers, and husbandmen, and their families; and, by increasing the charges, it must needs increase the poor of the nation. M 2

V. This

V. This must needs be a great difcouragement to ftrangers from coming in, and fettling themselves amongst us, when they have reason to apprehend that they, and their children after them, can be no longer fecured in the enjoyment of their properties, than they fhall be able to prevail with their confciences to believe, That the religion which our laws do now, or fhall at any time hereafter, approve and impofe, is undoubtedly true; and that the way of worshipping God, which fhall be at any time by our laws enjoined, is, and fhall be, more agreeable to the will of God, than any other way in which God is worfhipped in the world.'

VI. That way of worship we are commanded conformity to, doth not make better livers, that is a demonstration; nor better artists; for it cannot be thought that going to church, hearing common-prayer, or believing in the prefent epifcopacy, teach men to build ships or houses; to make clothes, fhoes, dials, or watches; buy, fell, trade, or commerce, better than any that are of another perfuafion. And fince these things are useful, if not requifite, in civil fociety, is not prohibiting, nay ruining, fuch men, because they will not come to hear common-prayer, &c. deftructive of civil fociety? Pray fhew me better fubjects. If any object, Diffenters have not always been fo;' the answer is ready, Do not expose them; protect them in their lives, liberties, and eftates; for in this prefent pofture they think they can call nothing their own, and that all the comforts they have in this world, are hourly liable to forfeiture, for their faith, hope, and practice concerning the other world.' Is not this to deftroy nature and civil government, when people are ruined in their natural and civil capacity, not for things relating to either, but which are of a fupernatural import?

VII. This deprives them of protection, who protect the government. Diffenters have a great fhare in the trade, which is the greatnefs of this kingdom; and they make a large proportion of the taxes that

maintain the government. And is it reasonable, or can it be Chriftian, when they pay tribute to Cæfar, to be preserved in an undisturbed poffeffion of the rest, that the rest fhould be continually expofed for the peaceable exercise of their confciences to God?

VIII. Neither is it a conformity to true and folid religion, fuch as is neceffary to eternal falvation, wherein most parties verbally agree, but for a modification of religion; fome peculiar way of worship and difcipline. All confefs One God, One Chrift, One Holy Ghoft, and that it is indifpenfably requifite to live foberly, righteously, and godly in this present evil world.' 2 Tit. xi. 12. yet is one profecuting the other for his confcience, feizing corn, driving away cattle, breaking open doors, taking away and fpoiling of goods; in fome places not leaving a cow. to give poor orphans milk, nor a bed to lie on; in other places houses have been swept fo clean, that a ftool hath not been left to fit on, nor fo much as working tools to labour for bread. To fay nothing of the opprobrious fpeeches, bloody blows, and tedious imprisonments, even to death itself, through naftiness of dungeons, that many innocent people have fuffered only for their peaceable confcience.

IX. But this way of proceeding for maintenance of the national religion, is of an ill confequence upon this account, that heaven is barred, as much as in men lies, from all farther illuminations. Let God fend what light he pleases into the world, it must not be received by Cæfar's people, without Cæfar's licence; and if it happen that Cæfar be not prefently convinced, as well as I, that it is of God, I muft either renounce my convictions, and lofe my foul to please Cafar, or profefs and perfevere in my perfuafion, and fo lofe my life, liberty, or eftate, to pleafe God. This hath frequently occurred, and may again. Therefore I would intreat Cæfar to confider the fad confequence of impofition, and remember both that God did never ask man leave to introduce truth, or make farther difcoveries of his mind to the world; and that it hath

been a woful fnare to thofe governments that have been drawn to employ their power against his work and people.

X. This way of procedure endeavours to ftifle, or elfe to punish, fincerity; for fear or hopes, frowns or favour, prevail only with base minds; fouls degenerated from true noblenefs. Every fpark of integrity must be extinguished, where confcience is facrificed to worldly fafety and preferment. This net holds no temporizers: honeft men are all the fish it catches: but one would think they should make but an ill treat to fuch as reckon themfelves generous men, and, what is more, Chriftians too. That which renders the matter more unjustifiable, is the temptation fuch feverity puts men upon, not hardy enough to fuffer for confcience, yet strongly perfuaded they have truth on their fide, to defert their principles, and fmother their convictions; which, in plain terms, is to make of sincere men, hypocrites: whereas it is one great end of government, by all laudable means, to preferve fincerity; for without it there can be no faith or truth in civil fociety. Nor is this all; for it is a maxim worthy of Cæfar's notice, Never to think him true to Cæfar,

that is falfe to his own confcience:' befides, raped confciences treasure up revenge; and fuch perfons are not likely to be longer friends to Cæfar, than he hath preferments to allure them, or power to deter them from being his most implacable enemies.

XI. There is not fo ready a way to Atheism, as this of extinguishing the fenfe of confcience for worldly ends: deftroy that internal rule of faith, worship, and practice towards God, and the reafon of my religion will be civil injunctions, and not divine convictions; consequently, I am to be of as many religions as the civil authority fhall impofe, however untrue or contradictory. This facred tie of confcience thus broken, farewel to all heavenly obligations in the foul, fcripture-authority, and ancient Proteftant principles. Chrift may at this rate become what the Jews would have had him and his apoftles to be reputed, to wit,

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