3, 1643, from Oxford, fuperfcribed to the lords and commons of parliament affembled at Westminster.

In the king's twentieth meffage for peace, January 29, 1645, he has these words, That by the liberty ⚫ offered in his meffage of the 15th prefent, for the ease of their confciences who will not communicate in the ⚫ fervice already established by act of parliament in this kingdom, he intends that all other Proteftants, behaving themselves peaceable in and towards the 'civil government, fhall have the free exercife of their religion, according to their own way.'

In the thirty-third meffage for peace, November 14, 1647, there are these words, His majesty confidering the great prefent diftempers concerning churchdifcipline, and that the Prefbyterian government is now in practice, his Majefty, to efchew confufion as • much as may be, and for the fatisfaction of his two houfes, is content that the faid government be legally permitted to ftand in the fame condition it now is, for three years; provided, that his majesty, and those of his judgment (or any other who can< not in confcience fubmit thereunto) be not obliged to comply with the Prefbyterian government, but have < free practice of their own profeffion, without receiving any prejudice thereby. From the Isle of Wight. In his declaration to all his people, January 18, 1645, from Carifbrook castle, after the votes of no addrefs, he fays, I have facrificed to my two houfes of parliament, for the peace of the kingdom, all but, what is much ⚫ more dear to me than my life, my conscience and my ⚫ honour.'

In his letter to the lords, gentlemen, and committee of the Scotch parliament, together with the officers of the army, July 3, 1648, from Carifbrook castle.

As the beft foundation of loyalty is Chriftianity, fa true Christianity is perfect loyalty.'

FIKON BAZIAIKH. Ch. 6. Upon his majesty's retirement from Westminster. Sure it ceases to be counfel, when not reafon is ufed, as to men, to perfuade, but force and terror, as to beafts, to drive and compel men

• to

to whatever tumultuary patrons fhall project. He de• ferves to be a flave, without pity or redemption, that is content to have his rational fovereignty of his foul, and liberty of his will and words, fo captivated.'Again, ibid. Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or man, who seriously endeavours to fee the best reafon of things, and faithfully follows what he takes for reafon; the uprightnefs of his intentions will excufe the poffible failing of his understanding. Again, ibid. I know no refolutions more worthy a • Chriftian king, than to prefer his confcience before his kingdoms.'

Chap. 12. Upon the rebellion and troubles in Ireland. -Some kind of zeal counts all merciful moderation • lukewarmness, and had rather be cruel, than accounted cold, and is not feldom more greedy to kill the bear for his fkin, than for any harm he hath done.'-Ibid. O! my God! thou feeft how much cruelty among • Christians is acted, under the colour of religion; as if we could not be Christians, unless we crucify one < another.'

Chap. 13, Upon the calling the Scots, and their coming

Sure, in matters of religion, those truths gain most on mens judgments and confciences, which are leaft urged with fecular violence; which weakens truth • with prejudices, and is unreasonable to be used, till • fuch means of rational conviction have been applied, as, leaving no excufe for ignorance, condemns mens obftinacy to deferved penalties. -Violent motions ⚫ are neither manly, chriftian, nor loyal.-The proper engine of faction is force; the arbitrator of beafts, not of reasonable men, much lefs of humble Chrifti⚫ans and loyal subjects, in matters of religion.'

Chap. 14. Upon the covenant. Religion requires charity and candour to others of different opinions. Nothing violent and injurious can be religious.'

Chap. 15. Upon the many jealoufies raifed, and fcandals caft upon the king, to ftir up the people against him. In point of true confcientious tender• nefs (attended with humility and meeknefs, not with

• proud

proud or arrogant activity, which feeks to hatch every egg of indifferent opinion to faction or fchifm) I oft declared how little I defire my laws and scepter 'fhould intrench over God's fovereignty, who is the only King of mens confciences.'

Chap. 27. To the prince of Wales.- Take heed of abetting any factions; your partial adhering to any one fide, gains you not fo great advantages in fome ⚫ mens hearts, (who are prone to be of their king's religion) as it lofeth you in others, who think themfelves, and their profeffion, first despised, then perfecuted by you.-My counfel and charge to you is, That you seriously confider the former real or objected mifcarriages, which might occafion my troubles, that < you may avoid them.-A charitable connivance, and Chriftian toleration, often diffipates their ftrength, whom rougher oppofition fortifies. Always keep C found up and thofe fundamental truths (which piety, mend both hearts and lives of men) with impartial favour and juftice.-Your prerogative is beft fhewed and exercised in remitting, rather than exacting the rigour of the law, there being nothing worse than • legal tyranny.'

And as this was the fenfe and judgment of a king, that time and the greatest troubles had informed with a fuperior judgment, (and which, to be fure, highly juftifies the measures that are now taken) fo Dr. Hudson, his plain-dealing chaplain, muft not be forgotten by us on this occafion, who took the freedom to tell his royal mafter, That he looked upon the calamities he laboured under, to be the hand of God upon him, for not having given God his due over confcience.'

One can easily imagine this to be reformation language; and then it is not hard to think how low that church must be fallen, that from so free and excellent a principle, is come to make, execute, and uphold, penal laws for religion, against her confcientious neighbours but it is to be hoped, that, like Nebuchadnezzar's image, whofe feet were a mixture of iron and clay, and therefore could not stand for ever, perfecution

will not be able to mix fo with the feed of men, but that humanity will overcome it, and mankind one day be delivered from that iron, hard, and fierce nature.

I have done with my church of England's evidences against perfecution: and for the judgment of all forts of Diffenters in that point, let their practice have been what it will, nothing is clearer, than that they difallow of perfecution, of which their daily addreffes of thanks to the KING, for his general ease, by his excellent declaration, are an undoubted proof.

Thus, then, we fee it is evident, that it is not only the duty of all parties, as they would be thought Christians, to repeal penal laws for religion, but, upon a fair enquiry, we fee it is the avowed principle of every party, at one time or other, that confcience ought not to be compelled, nor religion impofed upon worldly penalties. And fo I come to the third and laft part of this difcourfe.

PART III.

It is the interest of all parties, and especially the church of England.

A

SI take all men to be unwillingly separated from their interefts, and confequently ought only to be fought and difcourfed in them, fo it must be granted me on all hands, That interests change as well as times; and it is the wisdom of a man to obferve the courses, and humour the motions, of his intereft, as the best way to preserve it. And left any ill-natured, or mistaken perfon, fhould call it temporizing, I make this early provifion; That I mean, no immoral, or corrupt compliance:' a temporizing defervedly base with men of virtue, and which in all times, my practice, as well as judgment, hath fhewn the laft averfion to. For upon the principle I now go, and which I lay down, as common and granted in reafon and fact, with all parties concerned in this difcourfe, That man does

not

not change, that morally follows his intereft under all its revolutions; because to be true to his intereft, is his first civil principle. I premife this, to introduce what I have to offer with refpect to the interests to be now treated upon.

And first, I fay, I take it to be the intereft of the • church of England to abolish the penal laws, becaufe it never was her intereft to make them.' My reasons for that opinion are thefe; First, They have been an argument to invalidate the fufferings of the reformers, because if it be unlawful to disobey government about matters of religion, they were in the wrong. And if they say, O but they were in error that punished their non-conformity:' I answer, How can the prove that fhe is infallibly in the right? And if this cannot be done, the compels to an uncertainty upon the fame terms. Secondly, She has overthrown the principles upon which the feparated from Rome: for if it be unlawful to plead fcripture and conscience, to vindicate diffent from her communion, it was unlawful for her, upon the fame plea, to diffent from the church of Rome; unless she will fay again, That fhe was in the right,

but the other in the wrong;' and fhe knows this is no answer, but a begging of the queftion; for they that feparate from ber, think themselves as ferious, devout, and as much in the right as he could do. If then conscience and fcripture, interpreted with the beft light fhe had, were the ground of her reformation, fhe muft allow the liberty fhe takes, or the eats her words, and fubverts her foundation; than which nothing can be more destructive to the intereft of any being, civil or ecclefiaftical. Thirdly, The penal laws have been the great make-bate in the kingdom from the beginning: for if I fhould grant that the had been once truly the church of England, I mean confifting of all the people of England, (which fhe was not, for there were divers parties diffenting from the firft of her establishment) yet fince it afterwards appeared fhe was but one party, though the biggeft, fhe ought not to have made her power more national than her faith, nor her faith fo

by