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In goods of American reproduction, we aim to have every article of merit, even those of most moderate prices. IN THE James McCreery & Co END. Business is constantly 50&52 West 22nd. Street, New York. Broadway & 11th Street New York Volume 50 NEW SERIES A Family Paper OF THE CHRISTIAN For Week ending 6 October, 1894 UNION Number 14 HE country at large will take a greater interest in the elections in New York State this fall than in those of any other State, except possibly Louisiana. In the latter State a Republican victory is possible, and that would mean the possible beginning of the end of the Solid South and of the race war. In New York State the issue is not as clearly defined as it might have been if the Republicans had a wiser leader. Ever since Mr. Conkling's death Mr. Platt has assumed the position of Republican chief; the secret of his power to do so we cannot understand. We believe that he has never led his party to success, except when a National interest in politics has caused New York State to forget local issues and local leaders. The policy of the Republican party this year was so clearly marked out by the course of events that even a blind man should have been able to see it. The Constitutional Convention, despite some blunders, had done a noble work for political and legal reform, and it had been done mainly by the Republican party. The nomination of Maynard, the outrage on municipal independence perpetrated at Mr. Sheehan's dictation in Buffalo, the murderous assault on the ballot-box and its defenders in Troy, and the revelations of the corruption and misrule in New York City under Tammany, had aroused a popular feeling of indignation against the Democratic machine which was ready to respond to a bugle-call, and would have swept the State from Sandy Hook to Lake Erie. The industrial interests are weary of tariff agitation and want a tariff rest. The Republican Convention should have turned the attention of the State away from National to State issues; should have heartily indorsed the reforms recommended by the Constitutional Convention; and should have nominated a man identified with the work of that Convention, and sure, if elected, to co-operate with reform mayors in the great cities in an aggressive war against corrupt men and corrupt methods everywhere—such a man as Joseph H. Choate, Elihu Root, or Charles T. Saxton. The Hon. Levi P. Morton is a man of stainless reputation and eminent character, who commands the confidence of conservative citizens, and if elected will give a cautious and conservative administration, but he will not arouse public enthusiasm in the campaign, nor give promise of an aggressive war on political corruption if elected. For such a war a younger man was indispensable. What the Republicans have not done has been done by the Democratic Convention: it has made the issue clear. It has turned out of the Convention all the representatives of the Reform Democracy, and has nominated Mr. Hill for Governor. Whether in doing this it has committed a political blunder remains to be seen. It is certain that Mr. Hill has elements of strength that are not to be despised. He is an aggressive politician, a man of unquestioned political courage, not to say audacity, an effective speaker, a skillful strategist, and probably both the ablest and the most unscrupulous political manager in American history since Aaron Burr. He will be supported enthusiastically by the liquor and gambling interests in every town and city and at every cross-roads. Behind him, and devotedly though selfishly loyal to his interests, is the most perfectly organized machine, commanded by the most experienced "bosses," in America, who will stop at no method which promises success. His election will mean the triumph in New York State of men who have stuffed the ballot-boxes in Gravesend, blackmailed the entire community in the metropolis, robbed the mails in Albany, and murdered the defender of the ballot in Troy. At the same time Mr. Hill's apparent fight against the Brice-Gorman combination in the Senate, his opposition to the income tax, and his general independence and pugnacity during the last year, have sufficed to erase from the minds of men of short memories— and most men have short memories-his past political career, and to secure for him political respect where before he was not respected. It is even to be anticipated that his secret opposition to tariff reform will win him some Republican votes. If the State is redeemed from the machine misrule which, stealing the name and livery of Democracy, has dominated New York for some years past, it will require the vigorous, united, and enthusiastic action of all men who care more for purity than for party. There are, however, some indications of an awakening of public sentiment and conscience, which are hopeful auguries. Mr. Hill's nomination is received with halfhearted support or open opposition by most of the influential journals in New York City, including the "World" and the "Times," both of which are Democratic papers. Even the "Sun" is cautious and unenthusiastic. More hopeful are the indications that the Reform Democracy has at last found courage with which to back its opinions. It really looks, at this writing-Tuesday-as though it would not content itself with a gentle protest, but would engage vigorously in an anti-Hill campaign, even nominating a third ticket if that course gives greater promise of effecting the political defeat of Mr. Hill. If the Cleveland Democracy has the courage of its convictions and is in earnest, it is not impossible to hope for Mr. Hill's defeat by a vote as overwhelming as that which pronounced the verdict of the State against his lieutenant, Judge Maynard. Two elements will enter into the campaign influentially besides the political character of Mr. Hill and his backers. One is the new Constitution. But as the Convention wisely submits the apportionment amendment separately, there is no good reason why Mr. Hill should be able to identify the Republican party with that amendment and appeal for Democratic votes for himself on that ground. It is perfectly easy to vote against that amendment and for the rest of the Constitution and for Mr. Morton. The other element is municipal reform. If the Republican |