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FRENCH PAPERS.
(Continued from page 192.)

but this is a very unjust perversion og e
meaning of the writers from whose
ings the passages which we have cited, or
passages of a similar import, are cited.
Not one of them approves of any act of
temporal power which the Pope or any tremity of the cold, had sneaked into the
body of churchmen have ever claimed in villages. With regard to the cannon, they
right of their spiritual character. In the have not carried off a single piece, although
cited passages the writers mean to assert po
it is true, that I was obliged, by the loss of
more than that the faith and essential disci- my horses, which perished through the ex-
pline of Roman Catholics have always been cessive cold, to abandon the greater part of
what they now are. But they admit, that my artillery, after having dismounted and
the resort of the Popes, or of any other ec-
broken it. I know that the Russian state-
clesiastics to temporal power, for effecting ments are quite false; the extent of the
the object of their spiritual commission, country, and the extreme ignorance of the
was not only no part of the faith or essential greater part of its population, give the Rus-
discipline of the Church, but was diame-sian Government great liberty in this re-
trically opposite to its faith and discipline. spect, and they take good care to profit by
The passages, therefore, to which we al- it, in causing the most nonsensical reports
lude, can never be brought to prove the to be spread about. We were at the gates
position for which they are quoted. To of Moscow, when that people believed us
urge them for such a purpose, is evidently to be beaten.
a gross perversion of their meaning.
(Signed) EUGENE NAPOLEON.

XIV.

Such, then, being the charges brought against the Roman Catholics by their adversaries, and such being the Defence made by the Roman Catholics to them, will not every candid Protestant admit, that the unfavourable opinion, which some still entertain of the civil and religious principles of Roman Catholics, is owing, in a great measure, to prejudice.

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But we have the satisfaction to find, that the prejudice against us decreases rapidly. With the mildness and good sense which distinguishes his respectable character, the Earl of Liverpool thus expressed himself, in his speech in the debate of the House of Lords, on the Petition presented by the

Irish Catholics in 1810.-" I have eard

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allusions made this night, to doctrines, "which I do hope no man now believes the "Catholics to entertain: nor is there any ground for an opinion that the question "is opposed under any such pretence. The explanations which have been given on "this head, so far as I know, are completely "satisfactory, and the question, as it now "stands, is much more narrowed than it "was on a former discussion." (See his Lordship's Speech, printed and published by Keating and Booker.) How very little beyond this declaration, and a Legislative enactment in consequence of it, do the Ro

man Catholics solicit!

CHARLES BUTLER.

Lincoln's Inn, February 5, 1813.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

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Leller from the Marshal Prince of Eckmuhl
to the Major-General.
Thorn, Jan. 8.
. My Lord, I read with astonishment, in
the St. Petersburgh papers, that on the day
of the 16th November, the enemy took
12,000 prisoners from my corps d'armée,
and that they had scattered the remains of
that army in the neighbouring woods, in
such manner, that it was entirely destroyed.
It would be difficult to push impudence and
falsehood farther, if all the Russian state-
ments since the commencement of the cam-
paign, and in the preceding ones, were not
already known. Did they not sing Te
Deum at Petersburgh; and were not ri-
bands distributed there for the battle of

Austerlitz? Did they not say that they had taken 100 pieces of cannon from us at again, on that occasion, chant the Te the battle of the Moskwa; and did they not Deum which filled England with joy? How many difficulties did they not raise in acknowledging the taking of Moscow? Did they not likewise proclaim themselves conquerors at the battle of Maloyaroslavetz, where we pursued them for the space of 40 wersts?The fact is, that his Majesty, knowing that the Russian army from Volhynia was marching towards the Beresina, was obliged to set out from Smolensk, notwithstanding the rigour of the season. By a sudden change in the temperature, the cold, which was but six degrees, advanced to 20, and even for a moment to 25, according to some of our engineer officers,

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who had a thermometer. All our horses, | same infantry, for they several times atand our train of artillery, perished. His tacked me, and notwithstanding their great Majesty no longer wished to come to an en- superiority of number, could make no imgagement with the enemy; he no longer pression. At 10 P. M. a Colonel, with a even wished to allow himself to be amused flag of truce, was sent to propose I should by petty affairs, desiring to gain with all surrender; to this impertinence I replied, speed the Beresina. When His Majesty by making the officer prisoner, and carrypassed through Krasnoy, he had to drive ing him to the other side of the Dnieper, back the enemy, who placed himself be- to which I made my troops repass, and I tween the guard and my corps d'armée. the next day conducted him to the headAs soon as my corps had rejoined the army, quarters of his Majesty, at Orcha; when I his Majesty continued his march, and my arrived there with my corps, I scarcely corps was to follow, without employing it-wanted 500 men, who were killed in the self in maintaining a contest in which the battle of the preceding day. All the enemy would have the advantage of a nu- Russian reports are romances. There is merous cavalry and artillery. But my nothing true in what they say, excepting corps never met the enemy that it did not the loss of my artillery; and your Highness beat him. It has suffered very heavy losses, knows that it was not in human power to from fatigues, cold, and that fatality which bring it away in the midst of frosts, and over caused all the cavalry and artillery horses the ice, all my horses having fallen under to perish. A great number of my men the fatal mortality occasioned by the rigour dispersed, to seek refuge against the rigour of the cold. During the whole course of of the cold, and many were taken.Your the campaign the Russians have not taken, Excellency knows that I do not dissemble either from me or my comrades, a single my losses; they are undoubtedly consider- piece of cannon in the face of their enemy; able, and fill me with grief; but the glory although it is true, that when our draftof his Majesty's arms has not for a moment horses fell dead with the cold, we were been compromised. obliged to break our artillery, and leave it (Signed) The Marshal Duke of AUERSTADT, behind us. To hear these reports from St. Prince of ЕCKMUHL. Petersburgh, it must appear that we were all cowards, who could not choose but fly before the terrible Russian legions! It is true, that, according to their statement, we likewise fled at the battle of Moscow, and that they pushed us to the distance of 16 wersts from the field of battle; consequently it must have been in our flight that we occupied Moscow.The Spring will do us justice for all these vain-glorious boastings. The Russians will every where find the men of Austerlitz, of Eylau, of Friedland, of Witepsk, of Smolensko, of

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Letter from the Marshal Duke of Elchingen
to the Major-General.
Elbing, Jan. 10.
Monseigneur,-I have read in the Peters-
burgh Gazettes, that on the 17th of Nov.
at midnight, my corps, 12,000 strong,
sent a flag of truce and laid down their
arms; that I saved myself. alone and
wounded, by passing the Borysthenes over
the ice. I cannot believe that the General
of the Russian army could, in his reports,
have given place to such untruth; and al-the Moskwa, and of the Beresina.
though I knew the little confidence which
in Europe is paid to these reports from Rus-
sian Gazettes, constantly discredited by
the absurdity of their tales, I nevertheless
take the liberty of writing to your Excel-
lency, and I entreat you to have my letter
printed, to give a formal contradiction to
the statement, that my corps laid down its
arms, and that I alone passed beyond the
Dnieper. Very far from that, on the 17th
of November, I alone sustained all the
enemy's efforts. I had at that moment but
8,000 men under my orders, 'and in conse-
quence of the unfortunate circumstances in
which we were, I had no artillery. The
enemy had a numerous one. I halted all
day. I then discovered that it was not the

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(Signed) The Marshal Duke of ELCHINGEN.

FRENCH DYNASTY. Conservative Senate, Sitting of Feb. 2. The sitting was opened at two o'clock, P. M. under the Presidency of His Serene Highness the Prince Arch-Chancellor of the Empire. Their Excellencies Counts Regnaud de St. Jeas d'Angely and Disemon, Ministers of State and Counsellors of State were introduced.His Serene Highness the Prince Archchancellor spoke as follows;

GENTLEMEN,-His Imperial and Royal

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Majesty has ordained that you should pre-matter so very serious, you will judge, seut him with a projet relative to the Re- Monsieur, that it will not be sufficient to gency.This part of our institution not weigh a few principles. The Legislature having yet been able to obtain such a de- extends its views still further, and without gree of perfection, as the laws received by aspiring to say every thing, it is a part of time, it has appeared useful to add more its duty to banish at first a number of extended dispositions to those already ex- doubts, and to suffer but few questions to -Whatever, Gentlemen, may isting, and at the same time the necessity subsist.has been felt of reviving the usages in our be the utility of the dispositions on which constitutional anuals, founded on the an- we call for your suffrages, yet it is pleasing cient manners of the nation. Thus, the to hope, that according to the order of naplan which is submitted to you, will re- ture, their application will not occur until establish in its full latitude the uncontested a period of time distant and uncertain.right of the Sovereign to settle the Regency. Happy France, if all the Princes of this august Dynasty should not come to the throne until matured by age, animated by glorious examples, and long nourished by the lessons of wisdom!

-At all events it will prevent an excess of precaution, by arbitrarily restraining the powers of this said Regency from denaturalizing the issue of the Monarchial Government.- -If the Emperor had not manifested his will, the Regency would, by course of right, appertain to the Empress. Whatever the heart and understanding can suggest in such matter, with regard to private families, ought to apply to the None can have great family of the state. a greater degree of zeal than the Empress Mother, for preserving the authority of her charge free from all attempts. No one can, like her, present to the imagination of the people the imposing and proper remembrances, so as to render obedience noble and easy. A system of exclusion would constrain the choice of the Monarch. Prohibitory laws, by the restraint which they impose, frequently contain the seeds of discord.- -In defect of the Empress, there is an order established, so that there can be no uncertainty concerning the choice of a Regent. In this matter the law, in respecting hereditary rights, has been obliged to enter into all the details of foresight, and to adopt every wise precaution. The least interruption in the exercise of the Sovereign Power, would become a great calamity to the people. This power, during the minority of the Emperor, is to be exercised in his name, and in his sole behalf, by the Empress Regent, or by the Regent.- After them the Council of Regency will concur in the decision of matters of great importance, and fortify their authority with all the weight of public opinion.The other articles of the Projet are either drawn from those which I have just announced, or relate to them.In a

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After this discourse of his Serene Highness Messieurs, the Counsellors of State, presented a Projet of organized Senatus Consultum, and M. Count Regnaud de Saint Jean d'Angely explained its mo tives.

Motives of the Senalus Consultum on the

Regency of the Empire, the Coronation of the Empress, and the Coronation of the Prince Imperial of Rome. MONSEIGNEUR SENATORS,-To add new guarantees of stability to our institutions, to ensure in every case which experience can indicate, or prudence conceive, the uninterrupted action of government; to look forward with calm reflection on the absence of every interest, in the silence of all the passions, in banishing all sorrows, to the difficulties which embarrass a minority; this is the principal object of the important act which is prescribed to your deliberation. The motives which have dictated these dispositions, Gentlemen, are founded in the experience of nations, in the lessons of history, in the traditions of the French Monarchy, in the examples offered in its annals. It will consequently suffice rather to indicate than develope these motives, and in the hasty picture which I am going to make, I shall follow the methodical manner traced out by the Senatus Consultum.

TITLE I.
Of the Regency.

A Regency of the State has never been
(To be continued.)

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VOL. XXIII. No. 9.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1813. [Price 1s.

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It is, therefore, in the full conviction. that I shall communicate information to a great portion of the people here as well as to the eight millions of people who inhabit the United States, that I now renew my correspondence with you, leaving my promised communication, about the mode of keeping large quantities of sheep upon your farm, till the return of peace, lest, by ful filling that promise at this time, I should subject myself to the charge of conveying comfort and giving assistance to the enemies of my Sovereign, than which, assuredly, nothing can be further from my heart.

My dear Friend,

The excellent effect which attended my letter to you, has made me resolve to discuss the present subject in the form of letters to you; a form, which, for various reasons, I have a great liking to, and which has always this strong recommendation, that it affords me an opportunity of proving to you that your friendship and that of your brother and children is always alive in my recollection. At this time, however, another motive has had some weight with me. I understand, that our Government has issued orders for causing all letters for your country to pass through its hands, or, which is the same thing, the hands of its agents; and, as I am resolved, that they shall never have the fingering of a letter of mine to America, I will put what I have to say into print, and then it can no more be impeded in its progress than can the clouds, or the rays of the sun.

You will have seen, in your own newspapers, copious extracts from our English daily papers upon the subject of Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales; but, these extracts you will find so confused, so dark, so contradictory, so unintelligible upon the whole, so topless and tail-less, that you will from them be able to draw no rational conclusion. You will see Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales abused by these journalists; you will see all sorts of charges by

In the case above alluded to, my letter did, I understand, settle all men's minds at once, as far as it went; and, as it was re-them preferred against her; you will hear published in America, it gives me great sa- one insinuation following another, till, at tisfaction to reflect on the extent of its in- last, the ear sickens with the sound; but, fluence. Nor was it without its uses here, you will find no where any clear statement where the people, at a distance from Lon- of her case. Even her own Letter, which don, must, of course, know almost as little I shall, though for a second time, insert beabout the local circumstances of the case as low for your perusal, does not go far enough the people in Pennsylvania themselves. back to produce that view of her case which Indeed the publication of that letter soon ought to be exhibited, in order to a defence convinced me, that one ought not to take it of her against the base insinuations which for granted, that the mass of the people have, for a long while, been in circulation. know much about particulars as to any sort In short, all that will reach your country, of public matter; and that to suppose one's through the channel of these corrupt Lonreaders to be on the other side of the At- don Journalists, can only serve to mislead lantic is no bad way of making any case you as to the real merits of the case; and, that one discusses quite clear to the people even I, with a most earnest desire to lay of England; nay, even to nine-tenths of before the world the means of forming a #hose who walk, in decent clothes, about the correct judgment, should fail of my object, streets of London itself. were I not to revert to the earliest period of

The subject, upon which I now address you, is one of very great interest and of very great importance. It is interesting, as involving the reputation of persons of high rank; and it is important, as being capable of raising questions as to rights of most fearful magnitude.

in 1787, upon a clear understanding, that no more debts should be contracted on his account, the nation ought not to be called on again, and that the King ought to pay the debts out of his annual allowance, which we here call the Civil List, and which amounts to nearly half as much as your whole American revenue, though there are eight millions of you on whom to See how rich a nation raise that revenue. we must be!

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that connexion between the Princess and the Prince, which has, unhappily, been, for some years, interrupted.

It is generally well known, but not improper to state here, that the Princess of Wales is the Daughter of the late Duke of Brunswick, and that her mother is a sister of our present King. Of course she is a first cousin of the Prince her husband. They were married on the 8th of April, 1795, the Prince being then 32 years of age, and the Princess being 26 years of age; the former will be 51 the 12th day of next August, and the latter will be 45 on the 17th of next May. On the 7th of January, 1796, that is to say, precisely nine months from the day of their marriage, was born the Princess Charlotte of Wales, who, being their only child, is the heiress to the Throne, and who, of course, has now completed her 17th year.

Here you have an account of who the parties most concerned are, and of the how and the when of their connexion. But, there were some circumstances, connected with the marriage of the Prince and Princess, to which it will be necessary to go back, in order to have a fair view of the

The proposition was, however, at last agreed to; but, it ought to be borne in mind, that, through the whole of the discussions, the ground upon which this new call upon the public purse fested, was the Prince's marriage. The debts were not paid off in a ready sum; but, were to be liquidated by certain yearly deductions to come out of an additional yearly allowance to be made to the Prince; and, in case of the death of the King or of the Prince be fore the debts were all paid, the payment of the remainder was to fall upon the pubSo that it amounted to exactlic revenues. ly the same thing in effect as if a simple vote had been given for the payment of the debts, at once, out of the year's taxes.

The King, in his message to the Houses, in about twenty days after the marriage took place, asked for an establishment to be settled upon the Prince "and his august

spouse," and, at the same time, told them, that the benefit of any such settlement could not be effectually secured to the Prince, "till he was relieved from his pre"sent encumbrances to a large amount." Upon this ground the Prince's annual allowance from the nation was augmented. It was raised, at once, from £60,000 a year to £125,000 a year; and, of this sum, £25,000 a year were set apart for the discharge of his debts. To this was added a sum of £27,000 for preparations for the marriage; £28,000 for jewels and plate; and £26,000 for finishing Carleton House, the residence of the Prince.

matter.

The Prince, at the time when he was about to be married, in 1795, was greally in debt. He had an annual allowance from the nation, besides the amount of certain" revenues in the county of Cornwall belonging to him as Duke of that county. But, these proving insufficient to meet his expenses, he was found, in 1795, to have contracted debts to the amount of £639,890. 4s. 4d.; for we are very particular, in this country, in stating the fractions of sums in our public accounts. You will, perhaps, stare at this sum; but, you may depend upon my correctness in stating it, as I copy it from the documents laid before Parlia

ment.

When the Prince was married, a proposition was made to Parliament for the payment of this sum of debt, which, indeed, seems to have been stipulated for before the marriage; for, in the report of the debate upon the subject of the debts, the Duke of Clarence is stated to have said, "that, "when the marriage of the Prince of "Wales was agreed upon, there was a "stipulation that he should be exonerated "from his debts.". Much and long opposition was, however, made to the proposed payment by the country, and those who made this opposition contended, that, after having paid his debts, to a great amount,

It was necessary to enter into this statement, in order to show you what were the circumstances under which the Prince and Princess came together, and to make you acquainted with the fact, that Her Royal Highness did really bring to her Royal Spouse one of the greatest blessings on earth; namely, a relief from heavy pecuniary encumbrances, which encumbrances would, it is manifest, have continued to weigh upon His Royal Highness had his marriage not taken place.

But, Her Royal Highness also brought

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