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"the magnanimity, which your Royal "The consciousness of my innocence has

"Highness has so eminently displayed" " under circumstances so trying, and dur"ing a persecution of so long a duration; "these, while they demand an expression" "of our unbounded applause, cannot fail "I shall not lose any opportunity "to excite in us a confident hope, that un"I may be permitted to enjoy, of en"der the sway of your illustrious and be-couraging the talents and virtues of

supported me through my long, severe, "and unmerited trials; your approbation "of my conduct under them is a reward for all my sufferings.

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"loved Daughter, our children will enjoy my dear daughter, the Princess Char"all the benefits of so bright an example; lotte; and I shall impress upon her " and we humbly beg permission most un"mind my full sense of the obligation "feignedly to assure your Royal Highness,"conferred upon me by this spontaneous "act of your justice and generosity.

"that, as well for the sake of our country, "as from a ense of justice and of duty, we "shall always feel, and be ready to give "proof of the most anxious solicitude for "your Royal Highness's health, prosperity, "and happiness.

"She will therein clearly perceive the "value of that free Constitution, which, in "the natural course of events, it will be "her high destiny to preside over, and her "sacred duty to maintain, which allows "" no one to sink under oppression; and "she will ever be bound to the City of "London in ties proportioned to the "strength of that filial attachment I have "had the happiness uniformly to experience from her.

"The Address was then delivered to "Her Royal Highness, who read the fol"lowing answer :—

"I thank you for your loyal and affec❝tionate Address. It is to me the greatest "consolation to learn, that during so

"Be assured, that the cordial and con

many years of unmerited persecution, vincing proof you have thus given "notwithstanding the active and perse-" of your solicitude for my prosperity "vering dissemination of the most deli-" and happiness, will be cherished in "berate calumnies against me, the kind" grateful remembrance by me to the "and favourable sentiments with which latest moment of my life; and the "they did me the honour to approach me "distinguished proceeding adopted by the 46 on my arrival in this country, have un"first city of this great empire, will be "dergone neither diminution nor change" considered by posterity as a proud me" in the hearts of the Citizens of London."morial of my vindicated honour.

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"The sense of indignation and ab"horrence you express against the foul" with great propriety, feeling, and dig"Her Royal Highness read the answer "and detestable conspiracy which by per- "nity; and some particular passages, "jured and suborned traducers has been upon which any comment would be un"carried on against my life and honour, is sentiment and emphasis.necessary, were marked with peculiar -Immedi"worthy of you, and most gratifying to "ately after the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs 66 'me. It must be duly appreciated by "had kissed Her Royal Highness's hand, "and while the Livery were pressing for"ward to enjoy the same honour, she "seemed slightly agitated; but, she al

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branch of that illustrious House every "with which I am so closely connected by "blood and marriage; the personal wel-"most instantaneously recovered herself, "and exclaimed, I beg, Gentlemen, that you may not hurry: you will have plenty of time.' Mr. Alderman Wood 66 remained in conversation a considerable

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"fare of every one of whom must have "been affected by the success of such atro"cious machinations.

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"time with Her Royal Highness; noticing "groans and expressions of disapprobation 66 to the Princess the most prominent cha-" were uttered, but no act of violence or 66 impropriety was committed. "racters as they had the honour of kissing "her hand. The apartment in which" proceeded to Charing-cross, through the "Her Royal Highness received the depu- "Strand, Fleet-street, Ludgate-hill, St. "tation of the Livery was so very close" Paul's Church-yard, to Guildhall, where "the ceremony concluded, amidst loud to the Gardens, where thousands were "and reiterated cheers.. - Upon the assembled, that many persons near the "windows could see Her Royal High-" whole, considering the multitude assem"bled, we never witnessed a spectacle "ness's person distinctly.After the "departure of the Livery, Her Royal" conducted with more propriety, attend"Highness condescendingly went to both "ed with less ill consequences, for we did "not hear of a single accident or occurthe doors, accompanied by her atten"dants, and courtesied to the assembled "rence to lessen the heartfelt pleasure." "multitude. Her Royal Highness after"wards presented herself from the balcony "on the first floor, where she was also "received with great acclamations, and

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Thus, I think, my friend, this matter may be looked upon as settled. The Ad-, In the dress of the City of London expressed the full and clear sense of the nation. after remaining there a short time, she shouts of the people, upon this occasion, "retired to her private apartments, and the guilty, the base, the cowardly, the "had a select party to dine.--The car- unmanly, the detestable Conspirators might "riages of the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs read the sentence which honesty passed "were drawn round into the Duke of upon them. I wonder how the wretches Kent's yard, where his Lordship and looked at each other, if any two of them "his friends took their seats, and return-happened to be together when they heard

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those shouts. Their feelings were to be envied by those only who, for some odious offence, are pelted in the pillory.

The sentiments of the Address and of the Answer are worthy of the parties and of the occasion; but, I am particularly pleased with that passage in Her Royal Highness's Answer, wherein she so judiciously and so feelingly refers to the support that she has thus received from the people's possessing rights under a free Constitution. And, as I observed to you in my last Letter, her Daughter cannot fail here to receive a lesson, that may be most benefi

ed to town in the same order they had come. Mr. Alderman Wood was, as "before, drawn by the populace, and was greeted by the exulting shouts of the spectators, who lined the roads and filled the windows as he passed. “Upon the arrival of the carriage of the "Lord Mayor at Park-lane, he ordered it "to turn up, in defiance of the cries to "Carlton House,' which burst from all "quarters he was followed by the two "Sheriffs; and in his retreat encountered "the strongest marks o f.indignation from "the crowd, who groaned, hissed, and "pelted his carriage, and that of the She-cial to herself as well as to the country. "riffs, with mud, as l'ong as they were in Had the people possessed no political "view.--The remaining part of the rights; had they had no right to assem"procession, at the head of which was ble and to express their opinions in this "Mr. Alderman Wool's carriage, pro- public way, the Princess could not have ❝ceeded down Piccadilly, cheered as they received this mark of their good will, "went, and saluted by all who passed," this proud memorial of her vindicated The "honour." with the most mark ed respect. streets were lined with Gentlemen's car"riages, from the win dows of which the inmates waved their handkerchiefs, and gave other demonstrations of pleasure. "As Alderman Wood 's carriage passed "the house of Sir Francis Burdett, three The Princess "cheers were given honour of the wor-bin; as a man who wishes to destroy all "thy Baronet, for the 1 art he had taken government and all law. "in the vindication of Her Royal High- Charlotte will not fail to bear in mind, The Procession then pursued the that they were the friends of freedom and of "line of St. James's-street into Pall-mall, parliamentary reform, amongst whom her "where, on passing Carlte 'n House, which injured Mother found zealous and success"they did with unusua speed, some ful supporters, which all the horde, who

Neither will it escape either Mother or Daughter, that those who have taken the most active part in the defence of the former, are such as are called Jacobins. Mr. Wood, by the base hirelings of the press, has long been represented as a Jaco

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live upon corruption, were either leagued | Majesty to his people will be read by every against, or were careful to keep aloof.

I am your faithful friend,
WM. COBBETT.

Bolley, Wednesday, 14th April, 1813.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. NORTHERN WAR. PEACE. -The successes of the Russians have, at last, produced the effect of inducing the King of Prussia openly to join them by a treaty of alliance, and, at the same moment, to declare war against France.- Thus are these two powers once more pitted against Buonaparte, who, on his side, appears to be making dreadful preparations for recovering the influence he has lost, and for chastising these his late allies. -In taking a view of the state of the war on the continent, we will not notice the particulars of that mass of falsehoods which is contained in the divers proclamations and state-papers that have appeared within these four or five months. According to these, each party is in the right; each has been ill used; each has ground of complaint against its adversary. There is, indeed, hardly a word of truth in the whole of their stories, and they are all unworthy of any particular attention. But, on the conduct of the several powers we may remark; and may be able, perhaps, to form something like a correct opinion as to what will be the result of the next campaign. -The origin of this Northern war was, the refusal of the Emperor of Russia to fulfil the Treaty of Tilsil, in which he stipulated to adopt the Continental system; that is to say, to shut English commerce out of all the ports under his command. No matter what was the cause of this refusal: the refusal was certainly the cause of the war.- -The terrible measure of burning Moscow, and the severities of the Russian winter, turned the tide of that war against Napoleon; and, it is not to be at all wondered at, that Prussia has swum with that tide. In fact, the King of Prussia is a mere shuttle-cock between the two Emperors.- -He is, and he must be, on the side of him who has possession of his dominions.- -The Duke of Bassano gives a pretty good description and history of the conduct of Prussia from the out-set of the French Revolution to the present day; and, really, when one does, consider what that conduct has been, one cannot help smiling to hear the Morning Chronicle say, that the proclamation of his Prussian

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Englishman with sentiments of delight. What should induce any Englishman to feel delight at any thing which such a King can say to a people? What has he to tell them, except that, having lately been a province of France, his states are now become a province of Russia; and that they, his subjects, who, a few months ago, were fighting for France and the Continental System, are now to fight against France and the Continental System? That the means of Napoleon have been very much crippled there can be no doubt, and it may be impossible for him so far to recruit his means, as to be able to re-enter Russia in the course of a single campaign; but, on the other hand, we see that he has been making enormous exertions to this end, and there is no doubt. that he will return to the combat with an immense army.--We have, during the last twenty years, seen enough to convince us, that the French are a people not to give up easily any object of their ambition. Napoleon is ambitious enough; but he is not more ambitious than other Frenchmen. The enthusiasm of the Revolution; that is to say," the enthusiasm of liberty, against which our Government so long warred in vain, does certainly no longer exist; but, still it is the same people, increased in population, enriched by new sources of industry, and accustomed to conquer. When I consider this, I think that this is the moment to offer Napoleon reasonable terms of peace, lest, by any accident, he should recover his lost ground in the North, in which case, we may be quite sure, that the States of Prussia would pass for ever from the House of Branden burgh.- -The same principle, however, which produced this war of twenty years, appears still to animate our Government; namely, a fear of France, a fear, that if she be left undestroyed; or, at least, uncrippled, we cannot be safe. this fear that was the avowed ground, upon which Mr. Burke called for the war in 1792, and justified its continuance afterwards. In vain did the Republican government disavow conquest; in vain did it beseech England to look upon France as a friend in the cause of freedom; in vain did it declare that it would make any commercial sacrifice rather than break with England. Nothing would do. France was becoming free, and was evidently about to possess all the vigour of a free state; and this was an object of dread. The example, too, of real freedom, was

-It was

-These are the arguments against peace so long as France remains what she now is; and, hence it is concluded, that we ought to persevere in the war, until the power of France be so reduced as to make peace a measure of safety; for, if we never succeed in reducing the power of France, we shall be no worse off than we should be in making a peace with her now, seeing that such a peace must end in our subjugation. Supposing all this to be true, and some part of it is true, what have those to answer for who began the war, and who, by refusing repeatedly to make peace, have, at last, reduced us to such a dilemma? They went to war on the pretence of preventing the French from partaking with the Dutch in the navigation of the river Scheldt; and what has been the result?However, the grand question is, what is to be done now? Ought we to offer to negotiate, or not, at this moment? Or, ought we to run the risk of another campaign, and to take other chances of reducing the power of France before we negotiate? I think we ought to negotiate if we can; that we ought to see what we are able to do by negotiation, since we have been able to do nothing by war. would, for my part, give up all our conquests, I would leave Sicily, Spain, and Portugal to defend themselves; for, after all, leave them we must; I would disband nine-tenths of the army; I would keep up, in good order, a moderate fleet; I would give up the pretended right of impressing people on board the ships of America; I would put arms into the hands of the people of Great Britain and Ireland; I would reform the Parliament; I would reduce the taxes; and then I would set France at defiance. Those who are not prepared to do this; those who are not prepared for doing all these things, must be content with a continuation of the war; for, without reform, and a reduction of taxes at home, it appears to me clear as day-light, that it would be impossible for this country to maintain itself in peace against the overgrowing power of France. France must be reduced by war, or we must make such reforms as to enable us to exist in peace. One of these two must take place, or this nation must fall under the power of France.This is my opinion, and I should be glad to hear any one seriously maintain the contrary. I should be glad to hear what those have to say, who cry out for peace, and who are silent upon the subject of reform at home.I have seen petitions for

something formidable in the minds of some | lishments?-
persons. That example, however, was, un-
fortunately, soon rendered of no avail.
But, still there remained the power, the
increased power, of France, in the hands
of new men; and that power still remains.
While war continues we feel but half the
consequences of this power. Peace would
shew it to us in all its alarming effects.
All the world would flock to France, which
is now become the repository of all those
things, to have a sight of which people for-
merly had to travel thousands of miles.
France, owing to various causes, is now
comparatively lightly taxed; and, in a state
of peace, she would scarcely feel the weight
of taxation. This circumstance alone would
raw thousands and thousands of rich peo-
ple to her fine climate. The emigration
from this country would, in all probabi-
lity, be very great. By changing countries
an Englishman would, indeed, cease to hear
speeches and songs about liberty; but, he
would, at the same time, lose the pretty
little printed papers that are handed to him
every now and then, with nice blank spaces
for him to write down how much he re-
ceives, how much he earns, how many
children he has to keep, how many horses,
mules, wheels, dogs, footmen, and so forth,
he employs, and whether his head be, or
be not, powdered. He would, in short,
lose the liberty of having a case, at his own
expense, drawn up for the Judges, without
a Jury, to determine, whether his goods
shall, or shall not, be seized, if he refuse
to pay the sum, which Commissioners, ap-
pointed by the Government, demand from
him.- Here, in my opinion, we may
look for one of the chief causes of the con-
tinuation of this war. The cause is a per-
suasion, in the mind of our Government,
that, if France be left as she now is, there
would be no safety for England in a state of
peace; that the former would, in a few
years, grow over her; and, that to begin a
new war, at the end of four or five years of
peace, would be attended with difficulties
not to be overcome. Besides this, peace
would do nothing for us, unless we could
lay down our fleet and our army; and how
could we do either, France being in posses-
sion of all her present power and her pre-
sent means? The time which we must em-
ploy in disbanding and dismantling, she
would be able to employ in recruiting and
building. A peace with the establishments
of war would answer us no purpose at all;
yet,
if France retain her present power,
how are we to dispense with these estab-

and

peace; but I have never noticed them as
being worthy of great attention; because I
know that no real peace can be made unless
it be accompanied with reform; because I
know, that, until England be made a dif-
ferent place to live in from what it now is,
there can be no real peace with France, pos-
sessed of all her present power. Those,
therefore, who oppose reform, are per-
fectly consistent in being opposed to peace
with France at this time; and, as both the
great political factions are opposed to re-
form, they ought both to be opposed to
peace. -The Morning Chronicle, which,
in general, speaks the sentiments of the
Whigs, is often reproving the Ministers for
not entering into negotiations for peace.
But, will Mr. Perry undertake to shew any
one benefit with which peace, without the
previous reduction of the power of France,
would be attended? A peace would, at
once, open all the ports and harbours of
France; it would bring out the French
ships; it would, in a short time, create a
French navy. It would give Napoleon the
time and the means to make himself for-
midable by sea. We must, therefore,
keep up our navy to nearly its present
amount of force. The army we must also
keep up; for he need not disband a single
battalion. What saving, therefore, would
peace bring us? If it produced no saving
of expense, it would, of course, not reduce
the taxes; and, if it did not reduce the
taxes, who, with such a prospect before
him, would remain in England if he could
quit it? Who that had ten thousand pounds
would remain here to pay, in one way or
another, one-half of the interest of it to the
Government, and that, too, without the
most distant prospect of alleviation? The
nation, under such circumstances, must
dwindle into a state of feebleness that would
naturally prepare the way for utter subju-
gation. To reduce the taxes without re-
ducing the army; indeed without disband-turers, and upon all those who suffer from
ing the army, it is nonsense to talk of; to the war, to see the matter in this light.-
disband the army without putting arms They feel the evils of war; the masters are
into the hands of the people would be to in- ruined and the journeymen are starved by
vite invasion; and, to put arms into the the war. That is enough: they look no
hands of the people, without giving them a further: they ask for peace. But, they do
share in the concern by the means of a Par- not reflect on the causes of peace being re-
liamentary Reform, would be madness.- fused; they do not ask themselves how
No: as Major Cartwright has long ago con- peace is to be got; they do not take time
tended, and long ago proved, the only sure to inquire into the consequences of peace as
defence is in an armed people, represented things now stand with regard to the rela-
in parliament by persons chosen by that po- tive power of the two countries. If they
pulation. His scheme is, that the duty of did, they would soon discover, that peace
arms-bearing and the right of voting should is not to be had without a parliamentary
go hand in hand: and to this we must, I reform, or without a reduction of the power

am persuaded, at last, come, if the inde-'
pendence of this kingdom is to be preserv-
ed.There are people weak enough to
believe, that, if the Whigs were in power,
we might hope for peace. But, did any
man ever hear the Whigs talk of a reform
in parliament? Yes, formerly they did;
but the moment they were in possession of
power they ceased to talk upon such sub
jects. They are now full as much the ene-
mies of reform as are any of their oppo-
nents; so that their talk about peace is a
mere trick practised against the Ministers,
who are much more consistent in talking
neither about peace nor reform.They
see clearly, that without reform, that is to
say, without a great change in the system of
ruling this country and managing its re-
sources, including always a reform in the
Commons' House of Parliament, this coun-
try cannot exist in peace, if France retains
her present power and possessions; and,
therefore, as they are bent against reform,
they are also bent on war, until the power
of France be reduced. They, very likely,
have doubts as to the result of the war;
they have their fears, perhaps, that the
power of France will finally be increased
by the war, instead of being reduced by it;
but, even in that case, they are consistent;
for, it is no matter that ruin come in that
way, if they be convinced that ruin would
also come in the other way. The Ministers,
therefore, are consistent; and those only
are inconsistent, who call for peace and are
silent upon the subject of Parliamentary
Reform.- -Now is the moment to offer
peace. Napoleon is so situated as to make
him lend an ear to such an offer; but, un-
less you can prevail upon him to give up
two thirds of his power, which is not very
likely, it is useless to make peace, if you
be not, at the same time, prepared to make
a reform at home.I should be very
glad, if I could prevail upon the manufac

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