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tered into a formal engagement to settle them every three months.- The Military Gonvention ensured to the Emperor, till a new arrangement with Prussia, possession of the fortresses of Glogau, Stettin, and Custrin; but the provisioning of the first of those places was, from the date of signing that convention, to have been at the expense of France; and the others, from the day on which the King should have fulfilled his new engagements respecting the discharge of the contribution. The King, in acquiescing in this article, had already given France proofs of his condescension, in renouncing the stipulations of 1808; according to which Glogau was to be given up to Prussia, as soon as half the contribution should be paid. The new treaty was not better observed by France than that which preceded it. The provisioning of Glogau, and that of the other fortresses, caused by the Convention, and the discharge of the contributions already realized in the month of May last year, notwithstanding the most pressing representations, remain at the expense of Prussia to this day. The Convention stipulated nothing respecting the fortresses of Pillau and Spandau; they, in consequence, were to remain occupied by Prussian troops; the French troops, however, entered them by a sort of military surprise, and maintained themselves in them. Whilst the weight of Prussia's expenses was indefinitely augmentedwhilst she proved, that, after having paid her contribution, her advances were enormous-all kinds of assistance were persisted in being refused her: all her demands were answered by a contemptuous silence, and incessantly demanding fresh sacrifices: the inconceivable efforts of a burdened na tion appeared to be considered as nothing. At the end of the preceding year, the advances by Prussia amounted to 94,000,000 of francs. The accounts were in as good order as they could be, considering the constant refusal of the French Authorities to settle them agreeably to the treaty. His Majesty never ceased to represent, through his agents, that it became urgent to do justice to his demands, that his exhausted States could no longer support the French armies. The King, for the moment, confined himself to demanding an account respecting these advances, candidly declaring that he could not answer for events in case of a refusal. This language, equally just as clear; these demands, founded on the most sacred titles, remained without re-positions which accompanied that overture. ply, and only produced vague assurances In such a state of things, the King's deci
and distant promises. Besides, as if it was
sion could not long remain doubtful. He had for years sacrificed every thing for the preservation of his political existence: now France compromised that existence, and did nothing to protect it. Rússia can aggravate his misfortunes, and generously offers to protect him. The King cannot hesitate :faithful to his principles and his duties, he joins his arms to those of the Emperor Alexander, changing his system without changing his object. He hopes, in breaking with France, and attaching himself to Russia, to obtain, by an honourable peace, or by force of arms, the only object of his wishes the independence of his people the benefits which will result from it, and the inheritance of his fathers, the half of which has been ravished from him. The King will adhere, with all his power, to every proposition conformable to the common interests of the Sovereigns of Europe. He is earnestly desirous that they may lead to a state of things, in which treaties may no longer be simple truces-where power becomes the guarantee of justice, and where each returning with his natural rights, may no longer be tormented in all the points of his existence, by the abuse of power.This is, M. Le Duc, what I am charged to state for your Excellency's information. Be pleased to give an account of it to his Majesty the Emperor. Europe has seen with astonishment the long resignation of a nation distinguished in the annals of history by its brilliant courage, and its noble perseverance. Now, directed by the most sacred motives, there is no person among us, who is not determined to sacrifice every consideration to the great interests of his throne, the country, and the independence of Europe; no one who will not think himself happy in perishing for this noble end, and in defending his house.I have orders immediately to proceed to the King, my august Master, with Prince Hatzfeldt, his Privy Councillor of State Begnelin, and the persons attached to these different missions. I have the honour to beg your Excellency to forward me the necessary passports for this purpose.I hasten to renew to you, at the same time, the assurance of my most high consideration.
(Signed) KRUSEMARCK. REPLY TO THE NOTE OF M. THE BARON DE KRUSEMARCK.
Paris, April 1, 1813. M. Baron, I have laid before His Imperial and Royal Majesty, the Note which you did me the honour of addressing to me
on the 27th of March.- What is most deserving of serious consideration may be reduced to what follows.--That Prussia solicited and concluded an alliance with France in 1812, because the French armies had approached nearer to the Prussian States than the Russian armies.--Prussia declares in 1813, that she violates her treaties, because the Russian armies have approached nearer to her States than the French armies. Posterity will judge, whether such conduct be faithful, and worthy of a great Prince, conformable to equity and sound policy.--It will always do justice to the perseverance of your Cabinet in its principles. In 1792, when France was inwardly agitated by a Revolution, and from without, attacked by a formidable enemy, appeared like to sink, Prussia made war on her.――Three years afterwards, and at the moment when France was triumphant over the coalesced powers, Prussia abandoned her allies, she left the side of the combination together with its fortune, and the King of Prussia was the first of the Sovereigns who had taken up arms against France, that acknowledged the Republic.-Four years had scarcely elapsed (in 1799), when France felt the vicissitudes of war; some battles had been lost in Switzerland and Italy; the Duke of York had landed in Holland, and the Republic was threatened both from the North and the South; Fortune had changed, and Prussia had changed with her.- -But the English were driven from Holland; the Russians were beaten at Zurich; victory again came under our colours in Italy, and Prussia became the Friend of France.-In 1805, Austria took up arms: she carried her arms to the Danube; she took possession of Bavaria; whilst the Russian troops passed the Niemen, and advanced towards the Vistula.-The union of three great powers, and their immense preparations appeared to presage nought but defeat to France. Prussia could not hesitate an instant; she armed herself; she signed the treaty of Berlin; and the manes of Frederic the Second were called upon to witness the eternal hatred which she vowed against France. When her Minister, sent to His Majesty to dictate the law to him, had arrived in Moravia, the Russians had just lost the battle of Austerlitz, and it was owing to the generosity of the French that they were allowed to return into their own country. Prussia immediately tore the treaty of Berlin, concluded only six weeks
before, abjured the celebrated oath of
In 1811, the preparations made by Russia threatening Europe with a new war, the geographical situation of Prussia did not permit her to remain an indifferent spectatress of the events which were about taking place and you, M. le Baron, were charged so early as the month of March in the same year, to solicit the alliance of France; and it is useless for me to recall to your remembrance what passed at that period. It is useless for me to repeat either your reiterated instances or your warm solicitudes.His Majesty, remembering what was past, at first hesitated what part he should take, But he thought that the King of Prussia, enlightened by experience, was at length become sensible of the versatile policy of your Cabinet. He felt himself obliged for the steps which it had taken at St. Petersburgh to prevent the rupture. It was, besides, contrary to his justice and his heart to declare war, merely for the considerations of political convenience. He yielded to his personal sentiments towards your Sovereign, and consented to make an alliance with him. So long as the chances of war were favour-events of this winter; it has produced them to unmask false friends, and mark the faithful ones; it has given his Majesty power sufficient to ensure the triumph of the one, and the chastisement of the others.have the honour to transmit you the passports which you have requested of me."
able to us, your Court shewed itself faith-
(Signed) THE DUKE DE BASSANO.
junction at Breslau of men designated as
LONDON, Foreign Office, April 10, 1813. Dispatches of which the following are Co
pies, have been received by Viscount | placed a soldier within its walls; and has,
Regnier's corps, as I conjectured, re-
-It remains for
The Plenipotentiaries are Marshal
-His Imperial Majesty, though in possession of the keys of Warsaw, has not
towski, went, in the first instance, to
Imperial Head-Quarters, Kalish,
My Lord,-In my dispatches of the 6th instant, I had the honour of reporting my arrival at this place, and of detailing to your Lordship the progress which the Emperor had made in his arrangements, and in preparations for the campaign, together with the gigantic steps which had already been taken in carrying on the military operations already begun. These reports in(To be continued.)
Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
VOL. XXIII. No. 17.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 24, 1813.
real grounds exist for preferring the charge in a more formal manner, and for bringing the accused, or suspected, person to trial.
-Very true; and, if the Four Lords had acted in their capacity of Privy Councillors, there would now have been no room to regret what is regretted by all the nation, namely, that Lady Douglas cannot have her petition granted, and be put on her trial for perjury. If she had sworn before the Four Lords as Privy Councillors, they being, in that capacity, Magistrates, she might have been prosecuted for perjury; but, it seems, that, by virtue of the King's warrant, or commission, these four Lords were deprived of that quality, for the time being, which made it perjury for any one to swear falsely before them. It would, perhaps, be thought impertinent in us to inquire, why this commission was formed; why the same four Lords did not act in their capacity of Privy Councillors; why they were, upon this particular occasion, made Commis sioners? This might be thought impertinent; but, of one thing we are certain; namely, that their being made Commissioners has, as it has happened, prevented Lady Douglas from being liable to be tried for perjury.- -How hard, reader, was this upon the Princess! The witnesses against her might swear just what they pleased, and without any danger, for they could not be prosecuted for perjury. What they deposed was taken as coming from persons on their oaths; but, in this case, they were oaths without responsibility, as it now appears; yet, if the evidence had been of sufficient weight, it would, in all human pro bability, have sent the Princess to trial for her life.She was acquitted by the Four Lords of the charge of High Treason; but, they left her touched with minor offences. And, was it not hard, that she should have been thus left upon the evidence of persons, who, from the nature of the tribunal, had not the restraint of the fear of prosecution for perjury hanging over their heads?It is greatly to be lamented, that this was not perceived by either of the two "Great
SUMMARY OF POLITICS. WESTMINSTER ADDRESS. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.- -On Thursday, the 15th instant, a very numerous meeting was held in the City of Westminster, at which an Address to Her Royal Highness, the Princess of Wales, was voted, to be presented by Sir Francis Burdett and Lord Cochrane, the two Members for that city.
At this meeting the following resolutions were passed; and, I insert them, be cause I think it of great consequence that it should be known, that the people of England have not passed over these things without perceiving them." Resolved, 1st. "That it is the undoubted right of every "British subject to retain the reputation, " rights, and immunities of innocence, un"til convicted of guilt before a tribunal re"cognized by the law, known to the peo"ple, and possessing that glorious and in"dispensable attribute of freedom and jus"tice, a trial by Peers; and that this Meet"ing view with deep regret any attempts "to introduce tribunals unknown to the "Constitution, unauthorized by the law of "the land, and therefore possessing no con"stitutional power to enforce the attend"ance of witnesses, no power to punish "persons giving false evidence, or no "requisite of a Court of Justice. "2d. That this Meeting feel the greatest "horror at the late nefarious conspi
racy against the Honour and the Life "of Her Royal Highness the Princess "of Wales; and fully convinced, from 66 every document before the Public, of Her "Royal Highness's innocence, 'do resolve "that a loyal and humble Address be pre"sented to Her Royal Highness, expressive "of their happiness at her complete triumph her enemies."--To be sure, it is necessary, that the nation should express its opinion upon that tribunal, which was formed in 1806. SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY stated, in the House of Commons, that it was legal and customary for the King to refer matters relating to a charge of High Treason to certain of his Privy Councillors," Law Lords" before the Commissioners in order for them to ascertain, whether any proceeded to act; for, if either of them had