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tered into a formal engagement to settle them every three months.- The Military Gonvention ensured to the Emperor, till a new arrangement with Prussia, possession of the fortresses of Glogau, Stettin, and Custrin; but the provisioning of the first of those places was, from the date of signing that convention, to have been at the expense of France; and the others, from the day on which the King should have fulfilled his new engagements respecting the discharge of the contribution. The King, in acquiescing in this article, had already given France proofs of his condescension, in renouncing the stipulations of 1808; according to which Glogau was to be given up to Prussia, as soon as half the contribution should be paid. The new treaty was not better observed by France than that which preceded it. The provisioning of Glogau, and that of the other fortresses, caused by the Convention, and the discharge of the contributions already realized in the month of May last year, notwithstanding the most pressing representations, remain at the expense of Prussia to this day. The Convention stipulated nothing respecting the fortresses of Pillau and Spandau; they, in consequence, were to remain occupied by Prussian troops; the French troops, however, entered them by a sort of military surprise, and maintained themselves in them. Whilst the weight of Prussia's expenses was indefinitely augmentedwhilst she proved, that, after having paid her contribution, her advances were enormous-all kinds of assistance were persisted in being refused her: all her demands were answered by a contemptuous silence, and incessantly demanding fresh sacrifices: the inconceivable efforts of a burdened na tion appeared to be considered as nothing. At the end of the preceding year, the advances by Prussia amounted to 94,000,000 of francs. The accounts were in as good order as they could be, considering the constant refusal of the French Authorities to settle them agreeably to the treaty. His Majesty never ceased to represent, through his agents, that it became urgent to do justice to his demands, that his exhausted States could no longer support the French armies. The King, for the moment, confined himself to demanding an account respecting these advances, candidly declaring that he could not answer for events in case of a refusal. This language, equally just as clear; these demands, founded on the most sacred titles, remained without re-positions which accompanied that overture. ply, and only produced vague assurances In such a state of things, the King's deci

and distant promises. Besides, as if it was
not sufficiént to violate the most positive
treaties, new proceedings took place to en-:
lighten Prussia respecting the Emperor's
intentions, and what she had a right to ex-
pect from him. The King seeing one part
of his provinces invaded, and the other me-
naced, without being able to rely upon the
assistance of the French armies, obliged to
reinforce his own, and the ordinary way
being tedious and insufficient, his Majesty
addressed an appeal to the young Prussians
who wished to range themselves under his
colours. This awakened in every heart the
desire of serving the country. A great num-
ber of volunteers were preparing to leave
Berlin for Breslau, when it pleased the
Viceroy to interdict all recruiting, and the
departure of the volunteers, in the provin-
ces occupied by the French troops. This
prohibition was issued in the most peremp-
tory manner, and without acquainting the
King with it. Any attempt so directly
aimed at the rights of Sovereignty, excited
in the heart of his Majesty, and those of
his faithful subjects, a just indignation.
At the same time, and whilst the fortresses
on the Oder ought for a long time to have
been provisioned at the expense of France,
after the Emperor had formally declared in
an audience given to Hatzfeldt, that he had
interdicted the French authorities from mak- .
ing any kind of requisitions in the States of
the King, the Governors of these fortresses
received orders to take by main force, for a
circle of ten leagues, every thing which
was requisite for their defence and provision-
ing. This arbitrary and unjust order, and
which they did not even take the trouble of
acquainting the King, was executed in all
its extent, in defiance of the sacred title of
property, and with details of violence which
it would be difficult to depict. Notwith-
standing all the reasons which the King had
for breaking with France, he yet wished to
try the effect of negotiations. He informed
the Emperor Napoleon, that he would send
a confidential person to the Emperor of
Russia, in order to engage him to acknow-
ledge the neutrality of that part of Silesia
which France had acknowledged. It was
the only means which remained to the King,
abandoned, at least, for a moment, by
France, for having a sure asylum, and not
being placed in the cruel situation of leav-
ing his States. The Emperor haughtily
pronounced against this step, and did not
even deign to explain himself upon the pro-


sion could not long remain doubtful. He had for years sacrificed every thing for the preservation of his political existence: now France compromised that existence, and did nothing to protect it. Rússia can aggravate his misfortunes, and generously offers to protect him. The King cannot hesitate :faithful to his principles and his duties, he joins his arms to those of the Emperor Alexander, changing his system without changing his object. He hopes, in breaking with France, and attaching himself to Russia, to obtain, by an honourable peace, or by force of arms, the only object of his wishes the independence of his people the benefits which will result from it, and the inheritance of his fathers, the half of which has been ravished from him. The King will adhere, with all his power, to every proposition conformable to the common interests of the Sovereigns of Europe. He is earnestly desirous that they may lead to a state of things, in which treaties may no longer be simple truces-where power becomes the guarantee of justice, and where each returning with his natural rights, may no longer be tormented in all the points of his existence, by the abuse of power.This is, M. Le Duc, what I am charged to state for your Excellency's information. Be pleased to give an account of it to his Majesty the Emperor. Europe has seen with astonishment the long resignation of a nation distinguished in the annals of history by its brilliant courage, and its noble perseverance. Now, directed by the most sacred motives, there is no person among us, who is not determined to sacrifice every consideration to the great interests of his throne, the country, and the independence of Europe; no one who will not think himself happy in perishing for this noble end, and in defending his house.I have orders immediately to proceed to the King, my august Master, with Prince Hatzfeldt, his Privy Councillor of State Begnelin, and the persons attached to these different missions. I have the honour to beg your Excellency to forward me the necessary passports for this purpose.I hasten to renew to you, at the same time, the assurance of my most high consideration.


Paris, April 1, 1813. M. Baron, I have laid before His Imperial and Royal Majesty, the Note which you did me the honour of addressing to me

on the 27th of March.- What is most deserving of serious consideration may be reduced to what follows.--That Prussia solicited and concluded an alliance with France in 1812, because the French armies had approached nearer to the Prussian States than the Russian armies.--Prussia declares in 1813, that she violates her treaties, because the Russian armies have approached nearer to her States than the French armies. Posterity will judge, whether such conduct be faithful, and worthy of a great Prince, conformable to equity and sound policy.--It will always do justice to the perseverance of your Cabinet in its principles. In 1792, when France was inwardly agitated by a Revolution, and from without, attacked by a formidable enemy, appeared like to sink, Prussia made war on her.――Three years afterwards, and at the moment when France was triumphant over the coalesced powers, Prussia abandoned her allies, she left the side of the combination together with its fortune, and the King of Prussia was the first of the Sovereigns who had taken up arms against France, that acknowledged the Republic.-Four years had scarcely elapsed (in 1799), when France felt the vicissitudes of war; some battles had been lost in Switzerland and Italy; the Duke of York had landed in Holland, and the Republic was threatened both from the North and the South; Fortune had changed, and Prussia had changed with her.- -But the English were driven from Holland; the Russians were beaten at Zurich; victory again came under our colours in Italy, and Prussia became the Friend of France.-In 1805, Austria took up arms: she carried her arms to the Danube; she took possession of Bavaria; whilst the Russian troops passed the Niemen, and advanced towards the Vistula.-The union of three great powers, and their immense preparations appeared to presage nought but defeat to France. Prussia could not hesitate an instant; she armed herself; she signed the treaty of Berlin; and the manes of Frederic the Second were called upon to witness the eternal hatred which she vowed against France. When her Minister, sent to His Majesty to dictate the law to him, had arrived in Moravia, the Russians had just lost the battle of Austerlitz, and it was owing to the generosity of the French that they were allowed to return into their own country. Prussia immediately tore the treaty of Berlin, concluded only six weeks

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before, abjured the celebrated oath of
Potsdam; betrayed Russia as she had be-
trayed France; and entered into fresh en-
gagements with us.
But from these eter-
nal fluctuations in politics, proceeded a real
anarchy in the public opinion in Prussia;
an exultation took place in men's minds
which the Prussian Government were not
able to direct; they supported it, and, in
1806, declared war against France, at a
moment when it was their best interest to
keep up a good understanding with her.
Prussia being entirely conquered, saw her-
self, above her own hopes, admitted to
sign, at Tilsit, a peace by which she re-
ceived every thing, and gave nothing.-
In 1809, the war with Austria broke out:
Prussia was again going to change her sys-
tem; but the first military events leaving
no doubts of the definitive result of the
campaign, Prussia was governed by pru-
dence, and did not dare to declare herself.

In 1811, the preparations made by Russia threatening Europe with a new war, the geographical situation of Prussia did not permit her to remain an indifferent spectatress of the events which were about taking place and you, M. le Baron, were charged so early as the month of March in the same year, to solicit the alliance of France; and it is useless for me to recall to your remembrance what passed at that period. It is useless for me to repeat either your reiterated instances or your warm solicitudes.His Majesty, remembering what was past, at first hesitated what part he should take, But he thought that the King of Prussia, enlightened by experience, was at length become sensible of the versatile policy of your Cabinet. He felt himself obliged for the steps which it had taken at St. Petersburgh to prevent the rupture. It was, besides, contrary to his justice and his heart to declare war, merely for the considerations of political convenience. He yielded to his personal sentiments towards your Sovereign, and consented to make an alliance with him. So long as the chances of war were favour-events of this winter; it has produced them to unmask false friends, and mark the faithful ones; it has given his Majesty power sufficient to ensure the triumph of the one, and the chastisement of the others.have the honour to transmit you the passports which you have requested of me."

able to us, your Court shewed itself faith-
ful; but scarcely had the premature rigours
of the winter attacked our armies on the
Niemen, when the defection of General
D'Yorck rewakened suspicions but too well
founded. The equivocal conduct of your
Court in so weighty a circumstance; the
departure of the King for Breslau; the trea-
chery of General Bulow, who opened to the
enemy the passage
of the Nether Oder; the
public Ordinances, to excite a turbulent
and factious youth to take up arms; the


junction at Breslau of men designated as
chiefs of the disturbers, and as the princi-
pal instigators of the war of 1806; the
daily communications established between
your Court and the head-quarters of the
enemy, had for a long time left no doubt of
the resolutions of your Court; when, Ma-
ron, I received your note of the 27th of
March, and it has therefore caused no sur-
prise. Prussia wishes, it is said, to reco-
ver the inheritance of her ancestors: but
we may ask her, if, when she speaks of
losses which her false policy has caused her
to suffer, she has likewise made some ac-
quisitions to put into the scale: if, among
those acquisitions, there be none which she
owes to her faithless policy? It is, that she
owes Silesia to the abandonment of a French
army in the walls of Prague; and all her
acquisitions in Germany, to the violation of
the laws and interests of the Germanic
Body.Prussia talks of her desire of ob-
taining a peace founded on a solid basis; but
how is it possible to reckon on a solid peace
with a power which believes herself justi-
fied when she breaks her engagements ac-
cording to the caprices of fortune.- -His
Majesty prefers a declared enemy to a friend
always ready to abandon him.—I will
not carry these observations any farther; I
shall content myself with asking, what
would an enlightened Statesman, and a
friend to his country, have done, who, in
thought, placing himself at the helm of af-
fairs of Prussia, from the day when the re-
volution in France broke out, would have
conducted himself according to the princi-
ples of a sound and moral policy.At
present, M. Baron, what remains for
Prussia? She has done nothing for Europe;
she has done nothing for her ancient Ally;
she will do nothing for peace,
A power,
whose treaties are only conditional, cannot
be an useful mediator; she guarantees no-
thing; she is nothing but a subject of dis-
cussion; she is not even a barrier. The
finger of Providence has shewn itself in the

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LONDON, Foreign Office, April 10, 1813. Dispatches of which the following are Co



pies, have been received by Viscount | placed a soldier within its walls; and has,
Castlereagh, His Majesty's Principal Se- in every instance, treated the Poles with
cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, from the utmost clemency and indulgence.-
General Viscount Cathcart, K. T. His The Austrian auxiliary force, in conse-
Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary and quence of an unlimited armistice, are gra-
dually retiring to the Gallician frontier.
Plenipotentiary to the Court of Russia.
Imperial Head-quarters, Kalisch,
March 6, 1813.
Referring to my dispatch from St. Pe-
tersburgh, by the messenger Lyell, I have
now the honour to acquaint your Lordship,
that having begun my journey, upon the
Emperor's invitation to join him at head-
quarters on the 12th of February, I reached
Riga in forty-eight hours, and arrived in
this town before day-break on the 2d of
March. The Emperor received me in
his accustomed most gracious manner,
in an audience immediately after the
rade, was pleased to state the outline of his
recent operations.- In the first place, the
result of his Imperial Majesty's communi-
cations to the Court of Berlin, made on his
first arrival at Wilna, has been the conclu-
sion of a treaty of peace and alliance, of-
fensive and defensive, with that power

Regnier's corps, as I conjectured, re-
tired behind the Austrians, by Rawa, to
this place; they were here overtaken by
General Winzingerode, who attacked them
with inferior force, and put them to flight,
taking prisoner the Saxon General Rostitz,
three colonels, forty-seven other officers,
The remainder of
fifteen hundred rank and file, with two co-
lours and seven cannon.
this corps pursued their retreat in the di-
rection of Glogau, probably not exceeding

-It remains for
five or six thousand men.-
me to offer my congratulations on the signal
success which has hitherto attended the
great and unremitting exertions of the Em-
peror, who, in the course of two months,
at this season, has continued the pursuit of
the enemy from Wilna to the Oder; and
has united to his own zealous endeavours,
the decided and hearty support of the King
of Prussia, and of the whole population of
his dominions, who seem most solicitous to
emulate the Russians in patriotic donations,
as well as in personal service.—I under-
stand the Polish government, which with-
drew from Warsaw under Prince Ponia-

The Plenipotentiaries are Marshal
Prince Kutusoff Smolensko, and the Chan-
cellor Baron Hardenberg.In pursuance
of this renovation of amicable relations, the
most active combined military operations
are already in progress.-This day a re-
has been received of the actual occupa-
tion of Berlin by the forces of his Imperial
Majesty, under the Aid-de-Camp-General
Chernicheff.The head-quarters of the
Russian army are established in this central
position, to give the necessary time for re-
ceiving recruits and convalescents, who are
daily arriving, and for supplying necessaries
to troops who have been engaged in a cam-
paign of an unexampled and uninterrupted
series of military operations and marches
for eleven months.-This pause will,
however, be of short duration. Nothing
can be more striking than the contrast be-
tween the march of the Russian army, and
the conciliatory proceedings of the Empe-
for, with that of Buonaparte, and the troops
under the French Generals.- -The most
rigid and correct discipline has been ob-
served in the Duchy, as well as in Prussia.

-His Imperial Majesty, though in possession of the keys of Warsaw, has not

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towski, went, in the first instance, to
Petrikaw, and a part with the Prince are
gone to Czentochaw, where it is said some
force has been assembled: and I have also
understood that the Polish part of Reg-
nier's corps,
after the affair of Kalisch,
took that direction. A Russian corps is
stationed to the southward of Warsaw, to
observe their motions.

Imperial Head-Quarters, Kalish,
March 26, 1813.

My Lord,-In my dispatches of the 6th instant, I had the honour of reporting my arrival at this place, and of detailing to your Lordship the progress which the Emperor had made in his arrangements, and in preparations for the campaign, together with the gigantic steps which had already been taken in carrying on the military operations already begun. These reports in(To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

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real grounds exist for preferring the charge in a more formal manner, and for bringing the accused, or suspected, person to trial.

-Very true; and, if the Four Lords had acted in their capacity of Privy Councillors, there would now have been no room to regret what is regretted by all the nation, namely, that Lady Douglas cannot have her petition granted, and be put on her trial for perjury. If she had sworn before the Four Lords as Privy Councillors, they being, in that capacity, Magistrates, she might have been prosecuted for perjury; but, it seems, that, by virtue of the King's warrant, or commission, these four Lords were deprived of that quality, for the time being, which made it perjury for any one to swear falsely before them. It would, perhaps, be thought impertinent in us to inquire, why this commission was formed; why the same four Lords did not act in their capacity of Privy Councillors; why they were, upon this particular occasion, made Commis sioners? This might be thought impertinent; but, of one thing we are certain; namely, that their being made Commissioners has, as it has happened, prevented Lady Douglas from being liable to be tried for perjury.- -How hard, reader, was this upon the Princess! The witnesses against her might swear just what they pleased, and without any danger, for they could not be prosecuted for perjury. What they deposed was taken as coming from persons on their oaths; but, in this case, they were oaths without responsibility, as it now appears; yet, if the evidence had been of sufficient weight, it would, in all human pro bability, have sent the Princess to trial for her life.She was acquitted by the Four Lords of the charge of High Treason; but, they left her touched with minor offences. And, was it not hard, that she should have been thus left upon the evidence of persons, who, from the nature of the tribunal, had not the restraint of the fear of prosecution for perjury hanging over their heads?It is greatly to be lamented, that this was not perceived by either of the two "Great

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. WESTMINSTER ADDRESS. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.- -On Thursday, the 15th instant, a very numerous meeting was held in the City of Westminster, at which an Address to Her Royal Highness, the Princess of Wales, was voted, to be presented by Sir Francis Burdett and Lord Cochrane, the two Members for that city.

At this meeting the following resolutions were passed; and, I insert them, be cause I think it of great consequence that it should be known, that the people of England have not passed over these things without perceiving them." Resolved, 1st. "That it is the undoubted right of every "British subject to retain the reputation, " rights, and immunities of innocence, un"til convicted of guilt before a tribunal re"cognized by the law, known to the peo"ple, and possessing that glorious and in"dispensable attribute of freedom and jus"tice, a trial by Peers; and that this Meet"ing view with deep regret any attempts "to introduce tribunals unknown to the "Constitution, unauthorized by the law of "the land, and therefore possessing no con"stitutional power to enforce the attend"ance of witnesses, no power to punish "persons giving false evidence, or no "requisite of a Court of Justice. "2d. That this Meeting feel the greatest "horror at the late nefarious conspi


racy against the Honour and the Life "of Her Royal Highness the Princess "of Wales; and fully convinced, from 66 every document before the Public, of Her "Royal Highness's innocence, 'do resolve "that a loyal and humble Address be pre"sented to Her Royal Highness, expressive "of their happiness at her complete triumph her enemies."--To be sure, it is necessary, that the nation should express its opinion upon that tribunal, which was formed in 1806. SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY stated, in the House of Commons, that it was legal and customary for the King to refer matters relating to a charge of High Treason to certain of his Privy Councillors," Law Lords" before the Commissioners in order for them to ascertain, whether any proceeded to act; for, if either of them had




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