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tide of conquest has at length been resisted on the Continent; thanks more particularly to the gallantry of the Russian people, and to the wise and magna<nimous individual who now directs their "energies. Humane and moderate as he

is spirited and politic, he has by his <manifestoes endeavoured to arouse every "German to combat in a cause which he

"to have been increased in proportion to "the power and violence of the enemy; "but I repeat, I wish the principle of the

Meeting to be as general as possible. I "wish it to be so general that every society "of merchants in Spain, Portugal, or any "other country where the French conquest 66 may possibly check the wholesome ope"rations of commerce, should feel that "they are interested in adopting it—should "feel that they are bound to imbibe that

spirit by which we are now about to "prove to our German brethren, that "though separated by the ocean, our hearts "throb and our blood boils in common

has guaranteed his own; he has called ❝ on him, as a friend and brother, to assist

in stemming the flood that had nearly "overwhelmed his native land, and in driving within their proper precincts the haughty people whose tumultuous passions had created it. I trust the German is not to be found who is dead to "such a summons-a summons by which "he is called on to combat for the sacred "purpose of obtaining all that can be dear "to a people-security for their properties, their lives, and, far dearer than either of these, their liberty and their honour. "(Loud applause.) To facilitate the ex"ertions of a people struggling in such a "cause, is the object of the present Meet-"nation ;" an acknowledgment, which, "ing-to supply such means of repelling that I know of, has never before been dis"unjust aggression, as the misfortunes and tinctly made by any one who ever approved "too long protracted oppression of those of the war against the French Democracy. "who are chiefly interested in repelling it, "have put it out of their power to obtain "by any effort of their own. In justice to "the Government I have to observe, that "they have not manifested any reluctance "to give their assistance for the further-war against republicans and levellers ;" "ance of the objects which we are now the terms liberty, sovereign people, citizen, "met to promote; but it was impossible and patriot, were used by us as terms of "they should foresee the events which have reproach. But, we are now become ab"called for more ample support than they horrers of tyranny, slavery, despotism. "can possibly furnish on the spur of the We have now got over to the liberty side ❝ occasion. When I see the persons com- of the dispute; and are subscribing away "posing the Government inclined to per- as heartily against the Emperor of France "form their duty, I am always anxious as we formerly did against the Jacobins and not to withhold from them such meed as Sans-culottes of France. His Royal my approbation can convey. (Applause.) Highness says, that he apprehended "uni"I must now observe, that I wish the "versal destruction" from the principles "views of the present Meeting to embrace of the French revolution.I should be

-It is not a little curious to observe, how completely our objects have changed since the outset of the war in 1793. We were then afraid of nothing but the wild spirit of Democracy. We then cried "war,

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"as extensive a field as is possible. Un-happy to be informed what is His Royal "doubtedly there are very forcible reasons Highness's notion of "universal destruc"why I myself should be actuated by "tion." It is a phrase of very large "feelings more directed to a certain point. meaning. But, at the least, it must mean "I am a Member of the House of Hanover, nothing short of the killing of all the peo"I am a Prince of the German Empire, ple and the destroying of all other animals "and it may be naturally supposed that I and all property in Europe. And why, "am particularly anxious to resist with let me be permitted to ask; why make use "effect that power resistance to which I of phrases so very hyperbolical? The "warmly counselled in the great Assembly French revolution had its full swing; it "of the German Princes, which took place was never arrested in its progress by any "in the year 1792; resistance which I external power. And, did it prove so "have ever since continued to think ought very destroying? The truth is, that,

with theirs, when we think of the ty"ranny to which they have been subject"ed."If I differ very materially in opinion with His Royal Highness, I do not fail to give him full credit for the most benevolent intentions; and, I particularly applaud the candour of his acknowledgment, that the first League against the French had for its object "the complete "dismemberment, or annihilation, of that

-OGE

though attended with frightful crimes and
with dreadful misery for a while, it de-
stroyed very little of what was good. But,
the people, in all countries, are, for the
far greater part, led away by sounds. If
they were not, we should never have seen
the people of England subscribing their
pound notes in order to purchase their pre-
servation against the devouring lava,"
as Pitt called it, of the French revolution.
If they had taken time to reflect, they
would, in but a few hours, have been well
convinced, that the French Democrats
could not destroy them if they would, and
that they would not if they could; and
that, when they heard the words "univer-proach.
"sal destruction" applied to the object of
the efforts of the French Democrats, they
ought to understand it in a very limited
sense indeed, it being, upon any other
scale, utterly impossible. But, if the
Royal Duke was so alarmed at the "wide-
"spreading plague of Democracy," one
would think, that he must entertain feel-
ings of gratitude towards Buonaparté, who
has so completely put down the democratic
spirit and principles. We are a difficult
people to please. As long as the French
talked about liberty and patriotism,, we
used those words in the way of ridicule
and reproach. Now they have dropped
the use of them, we have taken it up, and
talk as boldly about liberty as our ancestors
used to do, who never dreamt of what we
now see and feel. But, I am yet to
learn, what we now mean by the word
patriot; by the term "German Patriots."
A patriot is a man, who ardently loves his
country, and is not confined to those who
are attached to any particular set of rulers.
I should, for my part, be very slow to
give the name of patriot to a man in Ger-
many merely because he had inlisted under
the banners of Russia, or any other ban-
ners opposed to France. I must first be
convinced, that he has taken the side which
he thinks favourable to the cause of free-
dom; I mean the freedom of the people;
for, it is very likely, that, in some cases,
a country may be conquered, and the peo-
ple become not at all the less free on that
account. I know not what sort of changes
the French have made in the govern-
ment of the conquered parts of Ger-
many; and, therefore, I am unable
to decide upon the degree of merit
in those who have now risen against them;
but, I cannot but know very well, that all
Dicemts,
these
#hom we have now dis-
Arsenate conquest of their

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country by the French. What they were
then doing it is not for me to say; but, I
am very much afraid, that we may be in
too great haste to confide in men, who have
ouce, without firing hardly a shot, laid
down their arms to that very same enemy
who is now marching against them.-
The conquered part of Germany contains a
population equal to that of France. To
what, then, are we to attribute its having
been so easily conquered? The Royal Duke
brings back our minds to the period when
the combined armies were driven out of
France; to that period when, he tells us,
the French capital trembled at their ap-
In this his Royal Highness is only
deceived. The French capital never trem-
bled. The combined armies were driven
out of France by the people. It was one
heart and one arm of 26 millions of people
that drove them out of France. But, be
this as it may, how could that one defeat of
the allies cause the conquest of Germany,
and her subjection from that day to this?
Suppose the French to have sent forth a mil-
lion of men, Germany had her millions to
oppose to them; and, if the German nation
are naturally brave, as I do not deny they
are, must there not have been something
besides mere physical force to work the con-
quest of Germany? How, then, can it be
said, that, from 1793 until this day, "no
"opportunity has been afforded to Germany
"to shake off the degrading yoke?". There
have always been about 30 millions of peo-
ple in this same Germany, including the

Patriots" now in motion; what, then, I
should like to know, have all these people
and all these patriots been doing and think-
ing about for so long a period? Is not this
the plain truth: that these patriots have
been put into activity, if not created, by the
appearance of a Russian army amongst them
and by the retreat of the French armies?
And, if this be the case, ought we not to
be cautions how we put any great confidence
in the exertions of these same "patriots 2"

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-When His Royal Highness talks about the French enslaving the sons of Germany, he surely does not well weigh the weight of his words. His zeal surely carries him on beyond the proper bounds. He will excuse me, who never before heard much of Ger man liberty, in these latter ages, if I do not see how it is possible for the French army, or any other but a native army, to enslave 30 millions of people. It is easy to talk of subjecting such a nation to tyranny; but not so very easy to shew how the thing can, by any possibility, be done. Against

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their will such a nation was slaved by an invading army. The thing is impossible, especially when we consider, that Germany had an army equal in number to that of France. For these reasons my hopes from the exertions of the "German "Patriots" are far less sanguine than those of his Royal Highness appear to be. As to the opinion, that our prospect of extricating ourselves from the war with advantage and honour, is now better than ever," I am obliged to differ very widely from his Royal Highness. There have been Several periods, when the prospect was much better, in my humble opinion, than it is now. The end of this campaign will tell us what is to be the fate of the North of Germany; but, of what consequence is that part of Europe, compared with Holland, Naples, and all Italy? The battle will now, perhaps, be better fought than before; but, if victory decide against us, we shall be plunged into despair. The same enthusiasm does not, perhaps, accompany the French armies now that formerly accompanied them; but, on the other side, what enthusiasm can there be? "Security "for their properties and lives," the Duke of Sussex says will now animate the Germans; but, why now more than heretofore? These again are mere words. Neither property nor lives were in danger under the French. It was impossible; generally speaking, that they should be; for, if that had been the case, the conquered countries could not have been held a day. It is the interest of a conqueror to make the people contented under his sway. Indeed, he is, if the country be extensive, compelled to do it. There will be some malecontents; because, in cases of conquest, property and power do always, in some degree, change hands; but, the mass of the people must, in all such cases, be conciliated; and this is the true reason why, until now, we have heard nothing of the "German Patriots." To keep in subjection a whole people; a nation of many millions; to hold such a people in subjection by the mere military force of a foreign power is impossible. It cannot be done. If a whole people, including the native army, feel their properties and lives in constant hazard, is it to be believed, that they will wait for another foreign army before they attempt to throw off the yoke? The fact, I dare say, is, that the persons, who were interested in the existence of the old governments of Germany, and who, of course, wished for their reestablishment, have, upon the appearance

never yet en- | of a Russian army amongst them, openly shown themselves. But, those who have acted from this motive, will, in all likelihood, become inactive from a similar motive; and, the French will, I dare say, be hailed, if they beat the Russians, with as much apparent joy as the Russians have recently been received. However, there is not, as far as I can see, any harm in these subscriptions. They are far preferable to new taxes to raise money for the "German Patriots." This is, indeed, the proper way of raising money for the Northern War. People give what they like, and there is this great advantage in this mode of raising the ways and means, that the amount of the sum raised is the true measure of the national feeling in favour of the cause.

AMERICAN WAR.The continual disgrace of the American arms in Canada would be intolerable in the States, were it not so far outweighed by the success of their navy. Upon this latter subject I have received many communications, containing complaints against the Admiralty. I must confess, that I do not see the reasonableness of these complaints, No man has pointed out how the Admiralty could have prevented what has happened. That they could not, in a few months, build ships of the precise dimensions of the American ships is certain. They could only send out such ships as they had; and, that the cause of our defeats has not been the want of hands on board, the capture of the Java fully proves.It has been asserted, in the most positive terms, that two-thirds of the seamen of the American ships of war, and especially of the Constitution, consist of British seamen. There is no such fact stated officially, and I am glad of it; for, to me, it would be a melancholy thing to reflect, that so many hundreds of our countrymen had joined the enemy at the risk, if taken, of being hung up, cut down before dead, having their bowels ripped out while yet alive, having their heads chopped off, and their four quarters cut from their smoking bodies. To suppose that many hundreds of our coun trymen have joined the enemy with the terrors of such a punishment before them is something so shocking, that I wonder how any one can coolly entertain it; what, then, must be our wonder at hearing that there are people to assert the fact, and that, too, in print! For my part, though I feel the disgrace of our navy as strongly as any one can, I prefer giving to the enemy superior skill, and even superior courage, to the as

cribing of his success to the treason of so many hundreds of my own countrymen.

alone. So that, in fact, Mr. Brougham, certainly without intending it, did harm to those manufacturers, whose cause he so zealously and so ably espoused.The Morning Chronicle had, the other day, a paragraph in words similar to these:" The "National Intelligencer (the American

-To one of the three causes, however, his success must be ascribed; for, as to the difference in the weight of metal, it is not sufficient to account for such uniform and signal success on the part of the Americans. They are excellent seamen. Probably the very best in the world. Their ships are few in number. Their men are select; they are all able and fresh; and they are urged on by every motive that has a powerful effect in producing a disregard of life. Their officers are chosen for their great merit alone. The government, in its selection, is hampered by no interests, no consideration other than that of rendering the ships efficient; and thus, there is no sort of drawback to the native courage of the crews.

government paper,) has long extracts "from COBBETT'S REGISTER, which it cites "with great applause, instead of that coarse "abuse which it formerly heaped upon the "same publication."-My mind has been put to the torture to guess at the real object of this observation. I do not see any thing wrong in this American paper having changed its manner and tone and sentiments with regard to articles of my humble production. I see no sin in it. And, as to myself, what can I wish for more than to see approved of in America my sincere and zealous efforts to preserve peace between the two countries? The whole of my endea vours, as connected with the subject of the

It is stated, that the American government have begun the construction of 26 inore frigates, and that the several States have made offers of 74 gun ships, one each; so that, if this unhappy contest be prolong-American dispute, have had this simple ed, there is, I think, a fair chance of our object, and could not have any other ob seeing a very formidable naval enemy inject; and, though my endeavours have the new world. This is what I expressed proved unsuccessful, I see no reason why my fears of in my first and second letters the Morning Chronicle should grudge me a to the Prince Regent upon the subject of small pittance of praise.If my advice this war. The longer the war continues had been followed, British naval prowess the more certain is the realizing of my fears would still have been without a rival. The on this score. The navy of America must names of Hull, and Decatur, and Bainincrease with the war; and, if it arrive at a bridge would still have been unknown. I tolerable force, we shall then begin to re- did not wish to see this navy raised up, and pent of our folly. I know, that this is I endeavoured to prevent the occasion for it. very unpopular language. The country has If the Morning Chronicle had done the taken up the idea, that the Americans, same, it might have had its share of the without any provocation, have basely join- praise of the National Intelligencer. ed the French in the war against us. The WM. COBBETT. newspapers have propagated this notion, and it is in vain to endeavour to remove it. Time and experience, disgrace and suffering must open the people's eyes.- -I shall, however, always say, that the Whigs and Mr. Brougham have had a principal hand

Bolley, 6th May, 1813.

PRINCESS OF WALES.
WESTMINSTER ADDRESS AND ANSWER.

in producing this war with America. Mr." To Her Royal Highness the Princess of
Brougham had his Orders in Council to de-
Wales.
molish. It was for him to make them every
thing, especially when he had, by his great
industry and eloquence, succeeded. There-
fore, when told, by Mr. Rose, that the re-
peal of the Orders would not prevent war,
he, full of his achievement, pledged him-
self to support a war against America if the
repeal did not satisfy her.- He did this,
and so did Mr. Ponsonby, with my caution
before their eyes, I had told them before,
that the repeal would not do without the
giving up the impressment. And, we are
now at war for this latter, and for that

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"We, the Inhabitant Householders of the City and Liberties of Westminster, legally assembled, beg leave to approach your Royal Highness with an affectionate Address.

"We participate with our fellow-subjects (the Citizens of London) in sentiments of undiminished esteem for your Royal Highness, and of just indignation at the foul conspiracy, which, it is now ap parent, has been long carrying on against your Royal Highness's honour and life. We admire the patience, forbearance, and

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resignation, with which your Royal High-portant occasions, the sentiments of Westness has submitted, for so long a time, to minster are in unison with those of the neglect and reproach as humiliating as un- whole country. deserved, even to the very verge of acquiescence in calumnies the most foul, scandalous, and false. Your Royal Highness was compelled at length to vindicate your own honour, involving that of your Royal Daughter, our future Sovereign. And we congratulate your Royal Highness on the magnanimity and wisdom which prompted you to demand, in the face of the Nation, from the two Houses of Parliament, that justice to which the most humble is entitled, "either to be proved guilty or treated as innocent."

COMMON COUNCIL OF LONDON ADDRESS
AND ANSWER.

The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council, presented their Congratulatory Address to the Princess of Wales, upon Her Royal Highness's complete and happy triumph over the late foul and atrocious conspiracy against her life and honour. They left Guildhall a little before twelve o'clock, and proceeded through Fleet-street, the Strand, Pall-mall, St. James's-street, and Piccadilly, to Kensington Palace. In Pall-mall the populace gave several cheers when they came opposite Carlton-house. The Lord Mayor, Recorder, Sheriffs, Town Clerk, City Remembrancer, Chamberlain, and Law Officers, attended. We also noticed the following Aldermen :-Ald. Combe, Thomas Smith, John Joseph Smith, Domville, Wood, Goodbehere, Heygate, and an unusually large attendance of the Members of the Common Council, Mr. Waithman, the Mover of the Address, accompanied Mr. Alderman Thomas Smith. The procession arrived at Kensington a little before two. The Address was read by Mr. Recorder. The Princess delivered her answer with great dignity and feeling. The Lord Mayor, Recorder, and Aldermen, kissed hands, after which Mr. Waithman was introduced, when Her Royal High

"But we are unable to express our grief and astonishment, at the cruelty, injustice, and insolence, with which your Royal Highness's Appeal was withheld from -s, or at the cold and reluctant reception it met with from a Majority of the House of Commons; and we assure your Royal Highness, that upon this, as upon most other occasions, the sentiments of that Majority are no ways in conformity with those of the people; and we flatter ourselves your Royal Highness will not, from so inadequate criterion, estimate the feelings of a loyal and generous nation. We ardently hope the treatment your Royal Highness has received will deeply imprint on the mind of every thinking man, this great, this indisputable truth-that without an honest House of Commons, justice can no more be ensured to the highest than to the lowest in-ness, in a clear and distinct manner, dividual in the land. so as to be audible to all present said, "I am very glad to see you; I feel highly grateful for the interest you have taken in my honour and happiness; I am sure, neither I nor my daughter will ever forget it." All the Members of the Court had the honour of kissing her Royal Highness's hand. Her Royal Highness afterwards conversed with Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Alderman Heygate, Mr. Waithman, and Mr. Favell; she observed, "that she felt very much agitated at first; but I hope you will make great allowance for my situation, and my not speaking the language perfectly." The procession re

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"We are firmly of opinion that those who advised the separation of a beloved and affectionate daughter from such a mother, had any thing in view rather than the good of the illustrious object of your Royal Highness's warmest and best affections, or of the country over which she is destined to rule.

"We assure your Royal Highness, that regard for our Country, as well as for that deference we bear your Royal Highness, will make us ready at all times to give your Royal Highness proof of our attachment and devotion, and of our anxious solitude for your welfare, happiness, and honour.

66 (Signed) ARTHUR MORRIS, High Bailiff."

"Permit me to add, that there can be no doubt that the refusal of Parliament to entertain the question, only originated in a conviction that my innocence stood above all suspicion, and an apprehension that Parliamentary interference might delay the restoration to my daughter's society, so universally desired."

Answer of Her Royal Highness. "I return you my sincere thanks for the regard towards me so kindly expressed in this Address. Upon this as on other im

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